![\"IA](\"http:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/22\/2014\/07\/Canada_3_cents_Jacques_Cartier_1934.jpg\")
<\/a> Figure 3.8 Postage stamps became an effective way of transmitting images and understandings of the past, starting in the late 19th century. Critics complained that this 1934 stamp made Cartier look surprised to find land.[\/caption]\n\nCartier\u2019s relationship with the St. Lawrence\u00a0Iroquois, and especially with Donnacona, was not especially civil. On his first visit, Cartier attempted to abduct several of the Stadaconans, believing that they would make excellent proof of the success of his voyage. He even tried to abduct Donnacona himself, but settled for his two sons, Taignoagny and Domagaya. They travelled back\u00a0to France where they spent the winter before returning\u00a0to Stadacona in\u00a0the summer of 1535\u00a0as part of\u00a0Cartier\u2019s second voyage.\n\nIt was during this second tour that Cartier travelled farther upriver to another large settlement,\u00a0Hochelaga<\/strong>. Unlike Stadacona, Hochelaga was fortified with a triple palisade of wood. The town contained about 3,000 people and was surrounded by cornfields. Its location remains a source of debate, but there is general agreement that it was near the foot of what Cartier called Mount Royal (that is, Montreal), though on which side is uncertain.\u00a0A\u00a0drawing made subsequently of Hochelaga by a European artist working from Cartier's descriptions\u00a0suggests an Italianate order, which most likely was the artist\u2019s invention. Nevertheless, its 50\u00a0longhouses (each perhaps\u00a030 metres deep) are represented. Hochelaga would have been an important meeting place at the confluence of the Ottawa\/Outaouais River, the Rivi\u00e8re des Prairies, and the St. Lawrence, abutting Algonquin territory to the north, Mohawk lands to the south, and Stadaconan territory to the east.\u00a0Those three palisades, however, strongly suggest a community\u00a0living in the shadow of violence and warfare.\n\n[caption id=\"attachment_2447\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"300\"]<\/a> Figure 3.9 Hochelaga village, ca. 1535.[\/caption]\n\nCartier's expedition returned downriver to Stadacona, where they spent an especially cold and difficult winter. Most of\u00a0the crew died\u00a0from cold and scurvy. The good news was a cure provided by the Stadaconans that\u00a0mitigated the\u00a0vitamin C deficiency that causes scurvy\u00a0and\u00a0without which the whole of the French expedition would have been doomed. Despite Cartier\u2019s erratic and consistently ungrateful behaviour toward the St. Lawrence Iroquois, and despite losing about 50 of his own men\u00a0\u2014 evidently to ailments introduced by the Europeans \u2014 Donnaconna supported the foreigners through the winter. The Iroquoian leader made the mistake of telling Cartier about metal sources upriver (likely copper around Lake Superior) and this set off Cartier's gold fever. The reduced French party would have to be reinforced and in order to do that Cartier would have to first return to France and sell the court of Francis I on the idea of further investment. To that end, and with an eye to supporting a local coup, Cartier abducted Donnaconna, his sons (again), and\u00a0seven other Stadaconans and took them all to France. Nine of the 10\u00a0perished, and the 10th never returned to Canada.\n\nAlthough\u00a0Cartier received a warm welcome in\u00a0Stadacona when he returned for the last time in 1541, that feeling did not last long.\u00a0In that year the French made the last attempt of the century\u00a0at establishing a colonial foothold in Canada. Cartier led a settlement cohort of 300 French to\u00a0Charlesbourg-Royal, a site now identified as at Cap Rouge near Stadacona, but\u00a0the settlement lasted barely a year, beset as it was by bad weather and hostility from the Stadaconans whose hospitality and\u00a0generosity Cartier had repeatedly scorned. [footnote] Arthur J. Ray, I Have Lived Here Since the World Began: An Illustrated History of Canada's Native People <\/i>(Toronto: Key Porter, 1996), 51-53.[\/footnote]\n\nCartier's account of his 1541 voyage is silent on Hochelaga, from which scholars\u00a0conclude\u00a0that the town was gone by then. It may have been destroyed by enemies or disease, but as it was also the practice of Iroquoian farmers to move their villages every few years to find locations with better soil and to escape the accumulation of waste and vermin that beset older settlements, so it may have been dismantled and rebuilt elsewhere. At the present time -- and perhaps forever -- the fate of Hochelaga remains unknown.\n\nThe lacklustre interest on the part of the French in setting up a trading post in the St. Lawrence can be explained by a number of factors.\u00a0First, Spain had a head start in the Americas and was vigorously protecting its foreign monopoly. This was evident even in the Gulf of St. Lawrence where, after 1543, the Basque whaling fleet -- made up of very large, well-armed and generally intimidating ships -- \"fulfilled [Spain's] geopolitical aim of controlling the gateway to the gulf at [a] time of transatlantic rivalry....\" The rise of New France in the next century allows us to lose sight of this Spanish initiative and its strength in the second half of the 15th\u00a0century: \"For the next 35 years, while the French shelved their explorations, the Strait was the scene of a whaling industry of unprecedented scope and intensity, centred at Red Bay\" on the Strait of Belle Isle.[footnote]Brad Loewen and Vincent Delmas, \"The Basques in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Adjacent Shores,\"\u00a0Canadian Journal of Archaeology\u00a0<\/em>36, issue 2 (2012): 223.[\/footnote]\u00a0It was fortunate for French interests that the Spanish, Basques, and Portuguese overwhelmingly pursued their maritime interests in the offshore fisheries. They had enough salt at their disposal to process their catch without making landfall and, under those conditions, had no real reason to establish even a toehold.\u00a0Second, Cartier disappointed his sponsors with samples of quartz and iron pyrites from Canada, which he very optimistically claimed were, respectively, diamonds and gold. (Hence the origin of the French saying, \"as false as a diamond from Canada.\") He never found the mythological Kingdom of the Saguenay<\/strong>, which his St. Lawrence\u00a0Iroquoian hosts painted as a city of gold to rival the Incan capital at Cuzco. Finally, in the latter part of the 16th\u00a0century, the Wars of Religion <\/strong>distracted the French from further overseas efforts in Canada. Anyone reflecting on the French experience in North America to 1600 would be safe in concluding that it had been a failure and perhaps was over.\nFlorida<\/h2>\nAs a result of Cartier's unpromising expeditions, the French retreated from the North\u00a0and spent much of the next 50\u00a0years trying to establish themselves elsewhere in the Americas.\u00a0In an effort to emulate the success of the combative Dutch, the French turned their attention to Portuguese-claimed territory\u00a0in Brazil. They established a position at Rio de Janeiro (\"France Antarctique\") in 1555 and another much later in 1612 at S\u00e3o Lu\u00eds (\"France \u00c9quinoxiale\"). Nothing came of either effort.\n\nThere was slightly more promise in the prospect of a colony in Florida, which was then controlled by Spain. The ambitious goal in this instance was to weaken the Spanish political hold on the Americas as a whole. In 1564, Ren\u00e9 Goulaine de Laudonni\u00e8re led an expedition to Florida, establishing Fort Caroline<\/strong> at the mouth of the St. Johns River in Timucuan\u00a0<\/strong>territory\u00a0near\u00a0modern-day Jacksonville. Florida's proximity to the rich Spanish Caribbean made it a strategically important position from which relatively easy wealth could be won. The French hoped to establish a successful settlement there, and thus a stepping-off point to contest Spanish power in the Caribbean. A foothold in Florida could also provide the opportunity to weaken the Spanish Crown through piracy; the prevailing currents and winds of the Caribbean and Atlantic ensured that\u00a0the treasure fleets travelled up along the Florida coast before venturing out across the Atlantic. The settlement at Fort Caroline also reflected\u00a0French concerns at home. Rising religious tensions between Catholics and Huguenots (Protestants) made it attractive to send\u00a0Protestants\u00a0to\u00a0Fort Caroline where they could have refuge while, at the same time, serving France.\n\n[caption id=\"attachment_1598\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"300\"]![\"""\"](\"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/22\/2016\/10\/1280px-Founding_of_Fort_Caroline_mg_0318-300x207.jpg\")
<\/a> Figure 3.10 A sketch of Fort Caroline under construction. It is regarded as the oldest fortified European settlement in what is now the United States.[\/caption]\n\nThe Spanish, hearing of the French incursion into Spanish territory, established their own colony just\u00a0south of Fort Caroline at San Agust\u00edn (St. Augustine). A\u00a0September 1565 expedition against\u00a0the French settlement\u00a0quickly overwhelmed their defences and the Spanish killed many of the men, sparing most of the women and children. Twenty-five of the Frenchmen escaped, making their way along the Florida coast. The Spanish caught up to them about 15 miles outside of St. Augustine, where Pedro Men\u00e9ndez de Avil\u00e9s\u00a0offered the Protestant Huguenots the chance to renounce their \u201capostate\u201d faith and embrace Catholicism; their refusal was part of what sealed their fate. The men were executed\u00a0and\u00a0Spanish dominance in Florida was secured. The massacre of the French settlers and soldiers marked the end of the French experiment in Florida and their attempts to undermine Spanish political control in the area.\n\nFailure in Florida would cause French to revisit the possibility of colonies in Canada, although a generation would pass before a new French effort in the north came to pass.\u00a0In the interim, French fishing boats were still making the voyage to the Grand Banks fisheries, and they continued to encounter Aboriginal people who wished to trade. French\u00a0merchants\u00a0soon realized the St. Lawrence region was a reliable and rich source\u00a0of valuable fur-bearing animals, especially the beaver, which were becoming rare in Europe at a time when it was fashionable to\u00a0wear fur hats.\u00a0Encouraged by the merchants of its Atlantic ports, the French Crown decided to colonize the territory to secure and expand its influence in America.\n\nKey Points<\/h2>\n- The Spanish and Portuguese conquests in the Americas resulted in rapid economic growth in northwestern Europe, thus enabling and encouraging competitive missions from England, France, and other countries.<\/li>\n \t
- Cartier's missions to the St. Lawrence brought back little of wealth but they represent the first sustained and documented contacts between Europeans and Aboriginals in what becomes Canada.<\/li>\n \t
- The French failed to establish an ongoing presence in the north and in Florida.\u00a0France retreated from the field for the rest of the century.<\/li>\n<\/ul><\/div>\n
Attributions<\/h2>\nFigure\u00a03.8<\/strong>\nTimbre-poste du Canada 3 cents Jacques Cartier 1934<\/a>\u00a0by\u00a0Jean Fex<\/a>\u00a0is in the\u00a0public domain<\/a>.\n\nFigure\u00a03.9<\/strong>\nViruses move inland along with French traders<\/a> by the\u00a0U.S. National Library of Medicine<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.\n\nFigure\u00a03.10<\/strong>\nFounding of Fort Caroline<\/a> by\u00a0Rama<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.","rendered":"The Spanish literally struck gold in the Caribbean and in the Aztec Empire. The torrent\u00a0of gold and silver plunder flowing into western Europe changed the continent overnight. Until\u00a0the 16th century, Iceland, the British Isles, and northwestern France were perceived by the commercial and political leaders of the great Eurasian capitals as the farthest reaches of trade networks, backwaters of economic stagnation with little to offer the rest of the world. In terms of\u00a0wealth measured in spices or precious metals, northwestern Europe was regarded as impoverished and wanting. Stories of Spanish coups (both political and economic, not to mention territorial) in the Americas did two things: they invigorated\u00a0the economies of Europe and fuelled interest in further imperial ventures. What if similar riches existed in the northern continent?\n<\/p>\n
French Expeditions<\/h2>\n
French imperial activity in the New World got off to a poor start.\u00a0The earliest official French expeditions to North America, and particularly to\u00a0Canada, were largely forgettable\u00a0ventures. The first voyages, led by Jacques Cartier between 1534 and 1542, made\u00a0contact with local peoples, including the Mi’kmaq, Montagnais, Algonquin, and the St. Lawrence Iroquois. Cartier’s mission followed Pizarro’s by only two years. Significantly, Cartier was instructed to\u00a0“discover certain islands and lands where it is said that a great quantity of gold and other precious things are to be found.” [1]<\/sup><\/a> Clearly the French Crown would have liked nothing better than to copy\u00a0the success of the Spanish. These early voyages, however, established that the area contained no bounty of natural or human resources that was\u00a0valuable to the French at the time. There was, simply put, no gold.<\/p>\nWhat Cartier came across instead\u00a0was a region in economic transition. French fishermen\u00a0had already scouted out\u00a0North America at least as far as the Gasp\u00e9 Peninsula, the south shore of the St. Lawrence River at its entrance to the Gulf. When Cartier’s first expedition rounded the northern tip of Newfoundland and arrived in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, he found the local people eager to trade with him and clearly aware of a French interest in obtaining furs. This was a sure sign that there had already been contact between Aboriginal peoples and European fishing\/whaling fleets, and that some of the contact relationship involved\u00a0commerce. The Algonquin people Cartier encountered indicated that they preferred some European goods over others, a sign that they were becoming knowledgable about the newcomers.<\/p>\n
Cartier made contact with St. Lawrence Iroquois on the Gasp\u00e9,\u00a0where he offended his hosts\u00a0by erecting a large cross bearing the words, “Long Live the King of France.” A year later he returned, venturing into the St. Lawrence River and moving westward. At this time many\u00a0small villages dotted the north shore of the river in particular, especially near \u00cele d’Orl\u00e9ans. Cartier’s team visited the largest village, which he regarded as\u00a0the “capital” of the St. Lawrence Iroquois, near the site of present-day Quebec City. This was\u00a0Stadacona<\/strong> and its chief\u00a0was Donnacona.<\/p>\n![\"IA](\"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/22\/2016\/10\/Canada_3_cents_Jacques_Cartier_1934-235x300.jpg\")
<\/a>Figure 3.8 Postage stamps became an effective way of transmitting images and understandings of the past, starting in the late 19th century. Critics complained that this 1934 stamp made Cartier look surprised to find land.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\nCartier\u2019s relationship with the St. Lawrence\u00a0Iroquois, and especially with Donnacona, was not especially civil. On his first visit, Cartier attempted to abduct several of the Stadaconans, believing that they would make excellent proof of the success of his voyage. He even tried to abduct Donnacona himself, but settled for his two sons, Taignoagny and Domagaya. They travelled back\u00a0to France where they spent the winter before returning\u00a0to Stadacona in\u00a0the summer of 1535\u00a0as part of\u00a0Cartier\u2019s second voyage.<\/p>\n
It was during this second tour that Cartier travelled farther upriver to another large settlement,\u00a0Hochelaga<\/strong>. Unlike Stadacona, Hochelaga was fortified with a triple palisade of wood. The town contained about 3,000 people and was surrounded by cornfields. Its location remains a source of debate, but there is general agreement that it was near the foot of what Cartier called Mount Royal (that is, Montreal), though on which side is uncertain.\u00a0A\u00a0drawing made subsequently of Hochelaga by a European artist working from Cartier’s descriptions\u00a0suggests an Italianate order, which most likely was the artist\u2019s invention. Nevertheless, its 50\u00a0longhouses (each perhaps\u00a030 metres deep) are represented. Hochelaga would have been an important meeting place at the confluence of the Ottawa\/Outaouais River, the Rivi\u00e8re des Prairies, and the St. Lawrence, abutting Algonquin territory to the north, Mohawk lands to the south, and Stadaconan territory to the east.\u00a0Those three palisades, however, strongly suggest a community\u00a0living in the shadow of violence and warfare.<\/p>\n![\"In](\"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/22\/2016\/10\/222_w_full-300x213.jpg\")
<\/a>Figure 3.9 Hochelaga village, ca. 1535.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\nCartier’s expedition returned downriver to Stadacona, where they spent an especially cold and difficult winter. Most of\u00a0the crew died\u00a0from cold and scurvy. The good news was a cure provided by the Stadaconans that\u00a0mitigated the\u00a0vitamin C deficiency that causes scurvy\u00a0and\u00a0without which the whole of the French expedition would have been doomed. Despite Cartier\u2019s erratic and consistently ungrateful behaviour toward the St. Lawrence Iroquois, and despite losing about 50 of his own men\u00a0\u2014 evidently to ailments introduced by the Europeans \u2014 Donnaconna supported the foreigners through the winter. The Iroquoian leader made the mistake of telling Cartier about metal sources upriver (likely copper around Lake Superior) and this set off Cartier’s gold fever. The reduced French party would have to be reinforced and in order to do that Cartier would have to first return to France and sell the court of Francis I on the idea of further investment. To that end, and with an eye to supporting a local coup, Cartier abducted Donnaconna, his sons (again), and\u00a0seven other Stadaconans and took them all to France. Nine of the 10\u00a0perished, and the 10th never returned to Canada.<\/p>\n
Although\u00a0Cartier received a warm welcome in\u00a0Stadacona when he returned for the last time in 1541, that feeling did not last long.\u00a0In that year the French made the last attempt of the century\u00a0at establishing a colonial foothold in Canada. Cartier led a settlement cohort of 300 French to\u00a0Charlesbourg-Royal, a site now identified as at Cap Rouge near Stadacona, but\u00a0the settlement lasted barely a year, beset as it was by bad weather and hostility from the Stadaconans whose hospitality and\u00a0generosity Cartier had repeatedly scorned. [2]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\nCartier’s account of his 1541 voyage is silent on Hochelaga, from which scholars\u00a0conclude\u00a0that the town was gone by then. It may have been destroyed by enemies or disease, but as it was also the practice of Iroquoian farmers to move their villages every few years to find locations with better soil and to escape the accumulation of waste and vermin that beset older settlements, so it may have been dismantled and rebuilt elsewhere. At the present time — and perhaps forever — the fate of Hochelaga remains unknown.<\/p>\n
The lacklustre interest on the part of the French in setting up a trading post in the St. Lawrence can be explained by a number of factors.\u00a0First, Spain had a head start in the Americas and was vigorously protecting its foreign monopoly. This was evident even in the Gulf of St. Lawrence where, after 1543, the Basque whaling fleet — made up of very large, well-armed and generally intimidating ships — “fulfilled [Spain’s] geopolitical aim of controlling the gateway to the gulf at [a] time of transatlantic rivalry….” The rise of New France in the next century allows us to lose sight of this Spanish initiative and its strength in the second half of the 15th\u00a0century: “For the next 35 years, while the French shelved their explorations, the Strait was the scene of a whaling industry of unprecedented scope and intensity, centred at Red Bay” on the Strait of Belle Isle.[3]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0It was fortunate for French interests that the Spanish, Basques, and Portuguese overwhelmingly pursued their maritime interests in the offshore fisheries. They had enough salt at their disposal to process their catch without making landfall and, under those conditions, had no real reason to establish even a toehold.\u00a0Second, Cartier disappointed his sponsors with samples of quartz and iron pyrites from Canada, which he very optimistically claimed were, respectively, diamonds and gold. (Hence the origin of the French saying, “as false as a diamond from Canada.”) He never found the mythological Kingdom of the Saguenay<\/strong>, which his St. Lawrence\u00a0Iroquoian hosts painted as a city of gold to rival the Incan capital at Cuzco. Finally, in the latter part of the 16th\u00a0century, the Wars of Religion <\/strong>distracted the French from further overseas efforts in Canada. Anyone reflecting on the French experience in North America to 1600 would be safe in concluding that it had been a failure and perhaps was over.<\/p>\nFlorida<\/h2>\n
As a result of Cartier’s unpromising expeditions, the French retreated from the North\u00a0and spent much of the next 50\u00a0years trying to establish themselves elsewhere in the Americas.\u00a0In an effort to emulate the success of the combative Dutch, the French turned their attention to Portuguese-claimed territory\u00a0in Brazil. They established a position at Rio de Janeiro (“France Antarctique”) in 1555 and another much later in 1612 at S\u00e3o Lu\u00eds (“France \u00c9quinoxiale”). Nothing came of either effort.<\/p>\n
There was slightly more promise in the prospect of a colony in Florida, which was then controlled by Spain. The ambitious goal in this instance was to weaken the Spanish political hold on the Americas as a whole. In 1564, Ren\u00e9 Goulaine de Laudonni\u00e8re led an expedition to Florida, establishing Fort Caroline<\/strong> at the mouth of the St. Johns River in Timucuan\u00a0<\/strong>territory\u00a0near\u00a0modern-day Jacksonville. Florida’s proximity to the rich Spanish Caribbean made it a strategically important position from which relatively easy wealth could be won. The French hoped to establish a successful settlement there, and thus a stepping-off point to contest Spanish power in the Caribbean. A foothold in Florida could also provide the opportunity to weaken the Spanish Crown through piracy; the prevailing currents and winds of the Caribbean and Atlantic ensured that\u00a0the treasure fleets travelled up along the Florida coast before venturing out across the Atlantic. The settlement at Fort Caroline also reflected\u00a0French concerns at home. Rising religious tensions between Catholics and Huguenots (Protestants) made it attractive to send\u00a0Protestants\u00a0to\u00a0Fort Caroline where they could have refuge while, at the same time, serving France.<\/p>\n<\/a>Figure 3.10 A sketch of Fort Caroline under construction. It is regarded as the oldest fortified European settlement in what is now the United States.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\nThe Spanish, hearing of the French incursion into Spanish territory, established their own colony just\u00a0south of Fort Caroline at San Agust\u00edn (St. Augustine). A\u00a0September 1565 expedition against\u00a0the French settlement\u00a0quickly overwhelmed their defences and the Spanish killed many of the men, sparing most of the women and children. Twenty-five of the Frenchmen escaped, making their way along the Florida coast. The Spanish caught up to them about 15 miles outside of St. Augustine, where Pedro Men\u00e9ndez de Avil\u00e9s\u00a0offered the Protestant Huguenots the chance to renounce their \u201capostate\u201d faith and embrace Catholicism; their refusal was part of what sealed their fate. The men were executed\u00a0and\u00a0Spanish dominance in Florida was secured. The massacre of the French settlers and soldiers marked the end of the French experiment in Florida and their attempts to undermine Spanish political control in the area.<\/p>\n
Failure in Florida would cause French to revisit the possibility of colonies in Canada, although a generation would pass before a new French effort in the north came to pass.\u00a0In the interim, French fishing boats were still making the voyage to the Grand Banks fisheries, and they continued to encounter Aboriginal people who wished to trade. French\u00a0merchants\u00a0soon realized the St. Lawrence region was a reliable and rich source\u00a0of valuable fur-bearing animals, especially the beaver, which were becoming rare in Europe at a time when it was fashionable to\u00a0wear fur hats.\u00a0Encouraged by the merchants of its Atlantic ports, the French Crown decided to colonize the territory to secure and expand its influence in America.<\/p>\n
\nKey Points<\/h2>\n\n- The Spanish and Portuguese conquests in the Americas resulted in rapid economic growth in northwestern Europe, thus enabling and encouraging competitive missions from England, France, and other countries.<\/li>\n
- Cartier’s missions to the St. Lawrence brought back little of wealth but they represent the first sustained and documented contacts between Europeans and Aboriginals in what becomes Canada.<\/li>\n
- The French failed to establish an ongoing presence in the north and in Florida.\u00a0France retreated from the field for the rest of the century.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n
Attributions<\/h2>\n
Figure\u00a03.8<\/strong>
\nTimbre-poste du Canada 3 cents Jacques Cartier 1934<\/a>\u00a0by\u00a0Jean Fex<\/a>\u00a0is in the\u00a0public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\nFigure\u00a03.9<\/strong>
\nViruses move inland along with French traders<\/a> by the\u00a0U.S. National Library of Medicine<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\nFigure\u00a03.10<\/strong>
\nFounding of Fort Caroline<\/a> by\u00a0Rama<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\n
- Quoted in Thomas McIlwraith and Edward Muller, North America: The Historical Geography of a Changing Continent<\/em> (Washington, DC: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 67. ↵<\/a><\/li>
- Arthur J. Ray, I Have Lived Here Since the World Began: An Illustrated History of Canada's Native People <\/i>(Toronto: Key Porter, 1996), 51-53. ↵<\/a><\/li>
- Brad Loewen and Vincent Delmas, \"The Basques in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Adjacent Shores,\"\u00a0Canadian Journal of Archaeology\u00a0<\/em>36, issue 2 (2012): 223. ↵<\/a><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"author":90,"menu_order":6,"template":"","meta":{"pb_show_title":"on","pb_short_title":"","pb_subtitle":"","pb_authors":[],"pb_section_license":"cc-by-sa"},"chapter-type":[],"contributor":[],"license":[62],"class_list":["post-6405","chapter","type-chapter","status-publish","hentry","license-cc-by-sa"],"part":6389,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/chapter"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/90"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6749,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405\/revisions\/6749"}],"part":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/parts\/6389"}],"metadata":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405\/metadata\/"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6405"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"chapter-type","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapter-type?post=6405"},{"taxonomy":"contributor","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/contributor?post=6405"},{"taxonomy":"license","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/license?post=6405"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
Key Points<\/h2>\n- The Spanish and Portuguese conquests in the Americas resulted in rapid economic growth in northwestern Europe, thus enabling and encouraging competitive missions from England, France, and other countries.<\/li>\n \t
- Cartier's missions to the St. Lawrence brought back little of wealth but they represent the first sustained and documented contacts between Europeans and Aboriginals in what becomes Canada.<\/li>\n \t
- The French failed to establish an ongoing presence in the north and in Florida.\u00a0France retreated from the field for the rest of the century.<\/li>\n<\/ul><\/div>\n
Attributions<\/h2>\nFigure\u00a03.8<\/strong>\nTimbre-poste du Canada 3 cents Jacques Cartier 1934<\/a>\u00a0by\u00a0Jean Fex<\/a>\u00a0is in the\u00a0public domain<\/a>.\n\nFigure\u00a03.9<\/strong>\nViruses move inland along with French traders<\/a> by the\u00a0U.S. National Library of Medicine<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.\n\nFigure\u00a03.10<\/strong>\nFounding of Fort Caroline<\/a> by\u00a0Rama<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.","rendered":"The Spanish literally struck gold in the Caribbean and in the Aztec Empire. The torrent\u00a0of gold and silver plunder flowing into western Europe changed the continent overnight. Until\u00a0the 16th century, Iceland, the British Isles, and northwestern France were perceived by the commercial and political leaders of the great Eurasian capitals as the farthest reaches of trade networks, backwaters of economic stagnation with little to offer the rest of the world. In terms of\u00a0wealth measured in spices or precious metals, northwestern Europe was regarded as impoverished and wanting. Stories of Spanish coups (both political and economic, not to mention territorial) in the Americas did two things: they invigorated\u00a0the economies of Europe and fuelled interest in further imperial ventures. What if similar riches existed in the northern continent?\n<\/p>\n
French Expeditions<\/h2>\n
French imperial activity in the New World got off to a poor start.\u00a0The earliest official French expeditions to North America, and particularly to\u00a0Canada, were largely forgettable\u00a0ventures. The first voyages, led by Jacques Cartier between 1534 and 1542, made\u00a0contact with local peoples, including the Mi’kmaq, Montagnais, Algonquin, and the St. Lawrence Iroquois. Cartier’s mission followed Pizarro’s by only two years. Significantly, Cartier was instructed to\u00a0“discover certain islands and lands where it is said that a great quantity of gold and other precious things are to be found.” [1]<\/sup><\/a> Clearly the French Crown would have liked nothing better than to copy\u00a0the success of the Spanish. These early voyages, however, established that the area contained no bounty of natural or human resources that was\u00a0valuable to the French at the time. There was, simply put, no gold.<\/p>\nWhat Cartier came across instead\u00a0was a region in economic transition. French fishermen\u00a0had already scouted out\u00a0North America at least as far as the Gasp\u00e9 Peninsula, the south shore of the St. Lawrence River at its entrance to the Gulf. When Cartier’s first expedition rounded the northern tip of Newfoundland and arrived in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, he found the local people eager to trade with him and clearly aware of a French interest in obtaining furs. This was a sure sign that there had already been contact between Aboriginal peoples and European fishing\/whaling fleets, and that some of the contact relationship involved\u00a0commerce. The Algonquin people Cartier encountered indicated that they preferred some European goods over others, a sign that they were becoming knowledgable about the newcomers.<\/p>\n
Cartier made contact with St. Lawrence Iroquois on the Gasp\u00e9,\u00a0where he offended his hosts\u00a0by erecting a large cross bearing the words, “Long Live the King of France.” A year later he returned, venturing into the St. Lawrence River and moving westward. At this time many\u00a0small villages dotted the north shore of the river in particular, especially near \u00cele d’Orl\u00e9ans. Cartier’s team visited the largest village, which he regarded as\u00a0the “capital” of the St. Lawrence Iroquois, near the site of present-day Quebec City. This was\u00a0Stadacona<\/strong> and its chief\u00a0was Donnacona.<\/p>\n<\/a>Figure 3.8 Postage stamps became an effective way of transmitting images and understandings of the past, starting in the late 19th century. Critics complained that this 1934 stamp made Cartier look surprised to find land.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\nCartier\u2019s relationship with the St. Lawrence\u00a0Iroquois, and especially with Donnacona, was not especially civil. On his first visit, Cartier attempted to abduct several of the Stadaconans, believing that they would make excellent proof of the success of his voyage. He even tried to abduct Donnacona himself, but settled for his two sons, Taignoagny and Domagaya. They travelled back\u00a0to France where they spent the winter before returning\u00a0to Stadacona in\u00a0the summer of 1535\u00a0as part of\u00a0Cartier\u2019s second voyage.<\/p>\n
It was during this second tour that Cartier travelled farther upriver to another large settlement,\u00a0Hochelaga<\/strong>. Unlike Stadacona, Hochelaga was fortified with a triple palisade of wood. The town contained about 3,000 people and was surrounded by cornfields. Its location remains a source of debate, but there is general agreement that it was near the foot of what Cartier called Mount Royal (that is, Montreal), though on which side is uncertain.\u00a0A\u00a0drawing made subsequently of Hochelaga by a European artist working from Cartier’s descriptions\u00a0suggests an Italianate order, which most likely was the artist\u2019s invention. Nevertheless, its 50\u00a0longhouses (each perhaps\u00a030 metres deep) are represented. Hochelaga would have been an important meeting place at the confluence of the Ottawa\/Outaouais River, the Rivi\u00e8re des Prairies, and the St. Lawrence, abutting Algonquin territory to the north, Mohawk lands to the south, and Stadaconan territory to the east.\u00a0Those three palisades, however, strongly suggest a community\u00a0living in the shadow of violence and warfare.<\/p>\n<\/a>Figure 3.9 Hochelaga village, ca. 1535.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\nCartier’s expedition returned downriver to Stadacona, where they spent an especially cold and difficult winter. Most of\u00a0the crew died\u00a0from cold and scurvy. The good news was a cure provided by the Stadaconans that\u00a0mitigated the\u00a0vitamin C deficiency that causes scurvy\u00a0and\u00a0without which the whole of the French expedition would have been doomed. Despite Cartier\u2019s erratic and consistently ungrateful behaviour toward the St. Lawrence Iroquois, and despite losing about 50 of his own men\u00a0\u2014 evidently to ailments introduced by the Europeans \u2014 Donnaconna supported the foreigners through the winter. The Iroquoian leader made the mistake of telling Cartier about metal sources upriver (likely copper around Lake Superior) and this set off Cartier’s gold fever. The reduced French party would have to be reinforced and in order to do that Cartier would have to first return to France and sell the court of Francis I on the idea of further investment. To that end, and with an eye to supporting a local coup, Cartier abducted Donnaconna, his sons (again), and\u00a0seven other Stadaconans and took them all to France. Nine of the 10\u00a0perished, and the 10th never returned to Canada.<\/p>\n
Although\u00a0Cartier received a warm welcome in\u00a0Stadacona when he returned for the last time in 1541, that feeling did not last long.\u00a0In that year the French made the last attempt of the century\u00a0at establishing a colonial foothold in Canada. Cartier led a settlement cohort of 300 French to\u00a0Charlesbourg-Royal, a site now identified as at Cap Rouge near Stadacona, but\u00a0the settlement lasted barely a year, beset as it was by bad weather and hostility from the Stadaconans whose hospitality and\u00a0generosity Cartier had repeatedly scorned. [2]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\nCartier’s account of his 1541 voyage is silent on Hochelaga, from which scholars\u00a0conclude\u00a0that the town was gone by then. It may have been destroyed by enemies or disease, but as it was also the practice of Iroquoian farmers to move their villages every few years to find locations with better soil and to escape the accumulation of waste and vermin that beset older settlements, so it may have been dismantled and rebuilt elsewhere. At the present time — and perhaps forever — the fate of Hochelaga remains unknown.<\/p>\n
The lacklustre interest on the part of the French in setting up a trading post in the St. Lawrence can be explained by a number of factors.\u00a0First, Spain had a head start in the Americas and was vigorously protecting its foreign monopoly. This was evident even in the Gulf of St. Lawrence where, after 1543, the Basque whaling fleet — made up of very large, well-armed and generally intimidating ships — “fulfilled [Spain’s] geopolitical aim of controlling the gateway to the gulf at [a] time of transatlantic rivalry….” The rise of New France in the next century allows us to lose sight of this Spanish initiative and its strength in the second half of the 15th\u00a0century: “For the next 35 years, while the French shelved their explorations, the Strait was the scene of a whaling industry of unprecedented scope and intensity, centred at Red Bay” on the Strait of Belle Isle.[3]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0It was fortunate for French interests that the Spanish, Basques, and Portuguese overwhelmingly pursued their maritime interests in the offshore fisheries. They had enough salt at their disposal to process their catch without making landfall and, under those conditions, had no real reason to establish even a toehold.\u00a0Second, Cartier disappointed his sponsors with samples of quartz and iron pyrites from Canada, which he very optimistically claimed were, respectively, diamonds and gold. (Hence the origin of the French saying, “as false as a diamond from Canada.”) He never found the mythological Kingdom of the Saguenay<\/strong>, which his St. Lawrence\u00a0Iroquoian hosts painted as a city of gold to rival the Incan capital at Cuzco. Finally, in the latter part of the 16th\u00a0century, the Wars of Religion <\/strong>distracted the French from further overseas efforts in Canada. Anyone reflecting on the French experience in North America to 1600 would be safe in concluding that it had been a failure and perhaps was over.<\/p>\nFlorida<\/h2>\n
As a result of Cartier’s unpromising expeditions, the French retreated from the North\u00a0and spent much of the next 50\u00a0years trying to establish themselves elsewhere in the Americas.\u00a0In an effort to emulate the success of the combative Dutch, the French turned their attention to Portuguese-claimed territory\u00a0in Brazil. They established a position at Rio de Janeiro (“France Antarctique”) in 1555 and another much later in 1612 at S\u00e3o Lu\u00eds (“France \u00c9quinoxiale”). Nothing came of either effort.<\/p>\n
There was slightly more promise in the prospect of a colony in Florida, which was then controlled by Spain. The ambitious goal in this instance was to weaken the Spanish political hold on the Americas as a whole. In 1564, Ren\u00e9 Goulaine de Laudonni\u00e8re led an expedition to Florida, establishing Fort Caroline<\/strong> at the mouth of the St. Johns River in Timucuan\u00a0<\/strong>territory\u00a0near\u00a0modern-day Jacksonville. Florida’s proximity to the rich Spanish Caribbean made it a strategically important position from which relatively easy wealth could be won. The French hoped to establish a successful settlement there, and thus a stepping-off point to contest Spanish power in the Caribbean. A foothold in Florida could also provide the opportunity to weaken the Spanish Crown through piracy; the prevailing currents and winds of the Caribbean and Atlantic ensured that\u00a0the treasure fleets travelled up along the Florida coast before venturing out across the Atlantic. The settlement at Fort Caroline also reflected\u00a0French concerns at home. Rising religious tensions between Catholics and Huguenots (Protestants) made it attractive to send\u00a0Protestants\u00a0to\u00a0Fort Caroline where they could have refuge while, at the same time, serving France.<\/p>\n<\/a>Figure 3.10 A sketch of Fort Caroline under construction. It is regarded as the oldest fortified European settlement in what is now the United States.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\nThe Spanish, hearing of the French incursion into Spanish territory, established their own colony just\u00a0south of Fort Caroline at San Agust\u00edn (St. Augustine). A\u00a0September 1565 expedition against\u00a0the French settlement\u00a0quickly overwhelmed their defences and the Spanish killed many of the men, sparing most of the women and children. Twenty-five of the Frenchmen escaped, making their way along the Florida coast. The Spanish caught up to them about 15 miles outside of St. Augustine, where Pedro Men\u00e9ndez de Avil\u00e9s\u00a0offered the Protestant Huguenots the chance to renounce their \u201capostate\u201d faith and embrace Catholicism; their refusal was part of what sealed their fate. The men were executed\u00a0and\u00a0Spanish dominance in Florida was secured. The massacre of the French settlers and soldiers marked the end of the French experiment in Florida and their attempts to undermine Spanish political control in the area.<\/p>\n
Failure in Florida would cause French to revisit the possibility of colonies in Canada, although a generation would pass before a new French effort in the north came to pass.\u00a0In the interim, French fishing boats were still making the voyage to the Grand Banks fisheries, and they continued to encounter Aboriginal people who wished to trade. French\u00a0merchants\u00a0soon realized the St. Lawrence region was a reliable and rich source\u00a0of valuable fur-bearing animals, especially the beaver, which were becoming rare in Europe at a time when it was fashionable to\u00a0wear fur hats.\u00a0Encouraged by the merchants of its Atlantic ports, the French Crown decided to colonize the territory to secure and expand its influence in America.<\/p>\n
\nKey Points<\/h2>\n\n- The Spanish and Portuguese conquests in the Americas resulted in rapid economic growth in northwestern Europe, thus enabling and encouraging competitive missions from England, France, and other countries.<\/li>\n
- Cartier’s missions to the St. Lawrence brought back little of wealth but they represent the first sustained and documented contacts between Europeans and Aboriginals in what becomes Canada.<\/li>\n
- The French failed to establish an ongoing presence in the north and in Florida.\u00a0France retreated from the field for the rest of the century.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n
Attributions<\/h2>\n
Figure\u00a03.8<\/strong>
\nTimbre-poste du Canada 3 cents Jacques Cartier 1934<\/a>\u00a0by\u00a0Jean Fex<\/a>\u00a0is in the\u00a0public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\nFigure\u00a03.9<\/strong>
\nViruses move inland along with French traders<\/a> by the\u00a0U.S. National Library of Medicine<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\nFigure\u00a03.10<\/strong>
\nFounding of Fort Caroline<\/a> by\u00a0Rama<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\n
- Quoted in Thomas McIlwraith and Edward Muller, North America: The Historical Geography of a Changing Continent<\/em> (Washington, DC: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 67. ↵<\/a><\/li>
- Arthur J. Ray, I Have Lived Here Since the World Began: An Illustrated History of Canada's Native People <\/i>(Toronto: Key Porter, 1996), 51-53. ↵<\/a><\/li>
- Brad Loewen and Vincent Delmas, \"The Basques in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Adjacent Shores,\"\u00a0Canadian Journal of Archaeology\u00a0<\/em>36, issue 2 (2012): 223. ↵<\/a><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"author":90,"menu_order":6,"template":"","meta":{"pb_show_title":"on","pb_short_title":"","pb_subtitle":"","pb_authors":[],"pb_section_license":"cc-by-sa"},"chapter-type":[],"contributor":[],"license":[62],"class_list":["post-6405","chapter","type-chapter","status-publish","hentry","license-cc-by-sa"],"part":6389,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/chapter"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/90"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6749,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405\/revisions\/6749"}],"part":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/parts\/6389"}],"metadata":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405\/metadata\/"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6405"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"chapter-type","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapter-type?post=6405"},{"taxonomy":"contributor","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/contributor?post=6405"},{"taxonomy":"license","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/license?post=6405"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
Attributions<\/h2>\nFigure\u00a03.8<\/strong>\nTimbre-poste du Canada 3 cents Jacques Cartier 1934<\/a>\u00a0by\u00a0Jean Fex<\/a>\u00a0is in the\u00a0public domain<\/a>.\n\nFigure\u00a03.9<\/strong>\nViruses move inland along with French traders<\/a> by the\u00a0U.S. National Library of Medicine<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.\n\nFigure\u00a03.10<\/strong>\nFounding of Fort Caroline<\/a> by\u00a0Rama<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.","rendered":"The Spanish literally struck gold in the Caribbean and in the Aztec Empire. The torrent\u00a0of gold and silver plunder flowing into western Europe changed the continent overnight. Until\u00a0the 16th century, Iceland, the British Isles, and northwestern France were perceived by the commercial and political leaders of the great Eurasian capitals as the farthest reaches of trade networks, backwaters of economic stagnation with little to offer the rest of the world. In terms of\u00a0wealth measured in spices or precious metals, northwestern Europe was regarded as impoverished and wanting. Stories of Spanish coups (both political and economic, not to mention territorial) in the Americas did two things: they invigorated\u00a0the economies of Europe and fuelled interest in further imperial ventures. What if similar riches existed in the northern continent?\n<\/p>\n
French Expeditions<\/h2>\n
French imperial activity in the New World got off to a poor start.\u00a0The earliest official French expeditions to North America, and particularly to\u00a0Canada, were largely forgettable\u00a0ventures. The first voyages, led by Jacques Cartier between 1534 and 1542, made\u00a0contact with local peoples, including the Mi’kmaq, Montagnais, Algonquin, and the St. Lawrence Iroquois. Cartier’s mission followed Pizarro’s by only two years. Significantly, Cartier was instructed to\u00a0“discover certain islands and lands where it is said that a great quantity of gold and other precious things are to be found.” [1]<\/sup><\/a> Clearly the French Crown would have liked nothing better than to copy\u00a0the success of the Spanish. These early voyages, however, established that the area contained no bounty of natural or human resources that was\u00a0valuable to the French at the time. There was, simply put, no gold.<\/p>\nWhat Cartier came across instead\u00a0was a region in economic transition. French fishermen\u00a0had already scouted out\u00a0North America at least as far as the Gasp\u00e9 Peninsula, the south shore of the St. Lawrence River at its entrance to the Gulf. When Cartier’s first expedition rounded the northern tip of Newfoundland and arrived in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, he found the local people eager to trade with him and clearly aware of a French interest in obtaining furs. This was a sure sign that there had already been contact between Aboriginal peoples and European fishing\/whaling fleets, and that some of the contact relationship involved\u00a0commerce. The Algonquin people Cartier encountered indicated that they preferred some European goods over others, a sign that they were becoming knowledgable about the newcomers.<\/p>\n
Cartier made contact with St. Lawrence Iroquois on the Gasp\u00e9,\u00a0where he offended his hosts\u00a0by erecting a large cross bearing the words, “Long Live the King of France.” A year later he returned, venturing into the St. Lawrence River and moving westward. At this time many\u00a0small villages dotted the north shore of the river in particular, especially near \u00cele d’Orl\u00e9ans. Cartier’s team visited the largest village, which he regarded as\u00a0the “capital” of the St. Lawrence Iroquois, near the site of present-day Quebec City. This was\u00a0Stadacona<\/strong> and its chief\u00a0was Donnacona.<\/p>\n<\/a>Figure 3.8 Postage stamps became an effective way of transmitting images and understandings of the past, starting in the late 19th century. Critics complained that this 1934 stamp made Cartier look surprised to find land.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\nCartier\u2019s relationship with the St. Lawrence\u00a0Iroquois, and especially with Donnacona, was not especially civil. On his first visit, Cartier attempted to abduct several of the Stadaconans, believing that they would make excellent proof of the success of his voyage. He even tried to abduct Donnacona himself, but settled for his two sons, Taignoagny and Domagaya. They travelled back\u00a0to France where they spent the winter before returning\u00a0to Stadacona in\u00a0the summer of 1535\u00a0as part of\u00a0Cartier\u2019s second voyage.<\/p>\n
It was during this second tour that Cartier travelled farther upriver to another large settlement,\u00a0Hochelaga<\/strong>. Unlike Stadacona, Hochelaga was fortified with a triple palisade of wood. The town contained about 3,000 people and was surrounded by cornfields. Its location remains a source of debate, but there is general agreement that it was near the foot of what Cartier called Mount Royal (that is, Montreal), though on which side is uncertain.\u00a0A\u00a0drawing made subsequently of Hochelaga by a European artist working from Cartier’s descriptions\u00a0suggests an Italianate order, which most likely was the artist\u2019s invention. Nevertheless, its 50\u00a0longhouses (each perhaps\u00a030 metres deep) are represented. Hochelaga would have been an important meeting place at the confluence of the Ottawa\/Outaouais River, the Rivi\u00e8re des Prairies, and the St. Lawrence, abutting Algonquin territory to the north, Mohawk lands to the south, and Stadaconan territory to the east.\u00a0Those three palisades, however, strongly suggest a community\u00a0living in the shadow of violence and warfare.<\/p>\n<\/a>Figure 3.9 Hochelaga village, ca. 1535.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\nCartier’s expedition returned downriver to Stadacona, where they spent an especially cold and difficult winter. Most of\u00a0the crew died\u00a0from cold and scurvy. The good news was a cure provided by the Stadaconans that\u00a0mitigated the\u00a0vitamin C deficiency that causes scurvy\u00a0and\u00a0without which the whole of the French expedition would have been doomed. Despite Cartier\u2019s erratic and consistently ungrateful behaviour toward the St. Lawrence Iroquois, and despite losing about 50 of his own men\u00a0\u2014 evidently to ailments introduced by the Europeans \u2014 Donnaconna supported the foreigners through the winter. The Iroquoian leader made the mistake of telling Cartier about metal sources upriver (likely copper around Lake Superior) and this set off Cartier’s gold fever. The reduced French party would have to be reinforced and in order to do that Cartier would have to first return to France and sell the court of Francis I on the idea of further investment. To that end, and with an eye to supporting a local coup, Cartier abducted Donnaconna, his sons (again), and\u00a0seven other Stadaconans and took them all to France. Nine of the 10\u00a0perished, and the 10th never returned to Canada.<\/p>\n
Although\u00a0Cartier received a warm welcome in\u00a0Stadacona when he returned for the last time in 1541, that feeling did not last long.\u00a0In that year the French made the last attempt of the century\u00a0at establishing a colonial foothold in Canada. Cartier led a settlement cohort of 300 French to\u00a0Charlesbourg-Royal, a site now identified as at Cap Rouge near Stadacona, but\u00a0the settlement lasted barely a year, beset as it was by bad weather and hostility from the Stadaconans whose hospitality and\u00a0generosity Cartier had repeatedly scorned. [2]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\nCartier’s account of his 1541 voyage is silent on Hochelaga, from which scholars\u00a0conclude\u00a0that the town was gone by then. It may have been destroyed by enemies or disease, but as it was also the practice of Iroquoian farmers to move their villages every few years to find locations with better soil and to escape the accumulation of waste and vermin that beset older settlements, so it may have been dismantled and rebuilt elsewhere. At the present time — and perhaps forever — the fate of Hochelaga remains unknown.<\/p>\n
The lacklustre interest on the part of the French in setting up a trading post in the St. Lawrence can be explained by a number of factors.\u00a0First, Spain had a head start in the Americas and was vigorously protecting its foreign monopoly. This was evident even in the Gulf of St. Lawrence where, after 1543, the Basque whaling fleet — made up of very large, well-armed and generally intimidating ships — “fulfilled [Spain’s] geopolitical aim of controlling the gateway to the gulf at [a] time of transatlantic rivalry….” The rise of New France in the next century allows us to lose sight of this Spanish initiative and its strength in the second half of the 15th\u00a0century: “For the next 35 years, while the French shelved their explorations, the Strait was the scene of a whaling industry of unprecedented scope and intensity, centred at Red Bay” on the Strait of Belle Isle.[3]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0It was fortunate for French interests that the Spanish, Basques, and Portuguese overwhelmingly pursued their maritime interests in the offshore fisheries. They had enough salt at their disposal to process their catch without making landfall and, under those conditions, had no real reason to establish even a toehold.\u00a0Second, Cartier disappointed his sponsors with samples of quartz and iron pyrites from Canada, which he very optimistically claimed were, respectively, diamonds and gold. (Hence the origin of the French saying, “as false as a diamond from Canada.”) He never found the mythological Kingdom of the Saguenay<\/strong>, which his St. Lawrence\u00a0Iroquoian hosts painted as a city of gold to rival the Incan capital at Cuzco. Finally, in the latter part of the 16th\u00a0century, the Wars of Religion <\/strong>distracted the French from further overseas efforts in Canada. Anyone reflecting on the French experience in North America to 1600 would be safe in concluding that it had been a failure and perhaps was over.<\/p>\nFlorida<\/h2>\n
As a result of Cartier’s unpromising expeditions, the French retreated from the North\u00a0and spent much of the next 50\u00a0years trying to establish themselves elsewhere in the Americas.\u00a0In an effort to emulate the success of the combative Dutch, the French turned their attention to Portuguese-claimed territory\u00a0in Brazil. They established a position at Rio de Janeiro (“France Antarctique”) in 1555 and another much later in 1612 at S\u00e3o Lu\u00eds (“France \u00c9quinoxiale”). Nothing came of either effort.<\/p>\n
There was slightly more promise in the prospect of a colony in Florida, which was then controlled by Spain. The ambitious goal in this instance was to weaken the Spanish political hold on the Americas as a whole. In 1564, Ren\u00e9 Goulaine de Laudonni\u00e8re led an expedition to Florida, establishing Fort Caroline<\/strong> at the mouth of the St. Johns River in Timucuan\u00a0<\/strong>territory\u00a0near\u00a0modern-day Jacksonville. Florida’s proximity to the rich Spanish Caribbean made it a strategically important position from which relatively easy wealth could be won. The French hoped to establish a successful settlement there, and thus a stepping-off point to contest Spanish power in the Caribbean. A foothold in Florida could also provide the opportunity to weaken the Spanish Crown through piracy; the prevailing currents and winds of the Caribbean and Atlantic ensured that\u00a0the treasure fleets travelled up along the Florida coast before venturing out across the Atlantic. The settlement at Fort Caroline also reflected\u00a0French concerns at home. Rising religious tensions between Catholics and Huguenots (Protestants) made it attractive to send\u00a0Protestants\u00a0to\u00a0Fort Caroline where they could have refuge while, at the same time, serving France.<\/p>\n<\/a>Figure 3.10 A sketch of Fort Caroline under construction. It is regarded as the oldest fortified European settlement in what is now the United States.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\nThe Spanish, hearing of the French incursion into Spanish territory, established their own colony just\u00a0south of Fort Caroline at San Agust\u00edn (St. Augustine). A\u00a0September 1565 expedition against\u00a0the French settlement\u00a0quickly overwhelmed their defences and the Spanish killed many of the men, sparing most of the women and children. Twenty-five of the Frenchmen escaped, making their way along the Florida coast. The Spanish caught up to them about 15 miles outside of St. Augustine, where Pedro Men\u00e9ndez de Avil\u00e9s\u00a0offered the Protestant Huguenots the chance to renounce their \u201capostate\u201d faith and embrace Catholicism; their refusal was part of what sealed their fate. The men were executed\u00a0and\u00a0Spanish dominance in Florida was secured. The massacre of the French settlers and soldiers marked the end of the French experiment in Florida and their attempts to undermine Spanish political control in the area.<\/p>\n
Failure in Florida would cause French to revisit the possibility of colonies in Canada, although a generation would pass before a new French effort in the north came to pass.\u00a0In the interim, French fishing boats were still making the voyage to the Grand Banks fisheries, and they continued to encounter Aboriginal people who wished to trade. French\u00a0merchants\u00a0soon realized the St. Lawrence region was a reliable and rich source\u00a0of valuable fur-bearing animals, especially the beaver, which were becoming rare in Europe at a time when it was fashionable to\u00a0wear fur hats.\u00a0Encouraged by the merchants of its Atlantic ports, the French Crown decided to colonize the territory to secure and expand its influence in America.<\/p>\n
\nKey Points<\/h2>\n\n- The Spanish and Portuguese conquests in the Americas resulted in rapid economic growth in northwestern Europe, thus enabling and encouraging competitive missions from England, France, and other countries.<\/li>\n
- Cartier’s missions to the St. Lawrence brought back little of wealth but they represent the first sustained and documented contacts between Europeans and Aboriginals in what becomes Canada.<\/li>\n
- The French failed to establish an ongoing presence in the north and in Florida.\u00a0France retreated from the field for the rest of the century.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n
Attributions<\/h2>\n
Figure\u00a03.8<\/strong>
\nTimbre-poste du Canada 3 cents Jacques Cartier 1934<\/a>\u00a0by\u00a0Jean Fex<\/a>\u00a0is in the\u00a0public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\nFigure\u00a03.9<\/strong>
\nViruses move inland along with French traders<\/a> by the\u00a0U.S. National Library of Medicine<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\nFigure\u00a03.10<\/strong>
\nFounding of Fort Caroline<\/a> by\u00a0Rama<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\n
- Quoted in Thomas McIlwraith and Edward Muller, North America: The Historical Geography of a Changing Continent<\/em> (Washington, DC: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 67. ↵<\/a><\/li>
- Arthur J. Ray, I Have Lived Here Since the World Began: An Illustrated History of Canada's Native People <\/i>(Toronto: Key Porter, 1996), 51-53. ↵<\/a><\/li>
- Brad Loewen and Vincent Delmas, \"The Basques in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Adjacent Shores,\"\u00a0Canadian Journal of Archaeology\u00a0<\/em>36, issue 2 (2012): 223. ↵<\/a><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"author":90,"menu_order":6,"template":"","meta":{"pb_show_title":"on","pb_short_title":"","pb_subtitle":"","pb_authors":[],"pb_section_license":"cc-by-sa"},"chapter-type":[],"contributor":[],"license":[62],"class_list":["post-6405","chapter","type-chapter","status-publish","hentry","license-cc-by-sa"],"part":6389,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/chapter"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/90"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6749,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405\/revisions\/6749"}],"part":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/parts\/6389"}],"metadata":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapters\/6405\/metadata\/"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6405"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"chapter-type","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/pressbooks\/v2\/chapter-type?post=6405"},{"taxonomy":"contributor","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/contributor?post=6405"},{"taxonomy":"license","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/license?post=6405"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
![Timbre-poste du Canada 3 cents Jacques Cartier 1934<\/a>\u00a0by\u00a0](\"http:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/wiki\/File:Canada_3_cents_Jacques_Cartier_1934.jpg\"){kind=link}
![Founding of Fort Caroline<\/a> by\u00a0](\"http:\/\/commons.wikimedia.org\/wiki\/File:Founding_of_Fort_Caroline_mg_0318.jpg\"){kind=link}
What Cartier came across instead\u00a0was a region in economic transition. French fishermen\u00a0had already scouted out\u00a0North America at least as far as the Gasp\u00e9 Peninsula, the south shore of the St. Lawrence River at its entrance to the Gulf. When Cartier’s first expedition rounded the northern tip of Newfoundland and arrived in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, he found the local people eager to trade with him and clearly aware of a French interest in obtaining furs. This was a sure sign that there had already been contact between Aboriginal peoples and European fishing\/whaling fleets, and that some of the contact relationship involved\u00a0commerce. The Algonquin people Cartier encountered indicated that they preferred some European goods over others, a sign that they were becoming knowledgable about the newcomers.<\/p>\n
Cartier made contact with St. Lawrence Iroquois on the Gasp\u00e9,\u00a0where he offended his hosts\u00a0by erecting a large cross bearing the words, “Long Live the King of France.” A year later he returned, venturing into the St. Lawrence River and moving westward. At this time many\u00a0small villages dotted the north shore of the river in particular, especially near \u00cele d’Orl\u00e9ans. Cartier’s team visited the largest village, which he regarded as\u00a0the “capital” of the St. Lawrence Iroquois, near the site of present-day Quebec City. This was\u00a0Stadacona<\/strong> and its chief\u00a0was Donnacona.<\/p>\n Cartier\u2019s relationship with the St. Lawrence\u00a0Iroquois, and especially with Donnacona, was not especially civil. On his first visit, Cartier attempted to abduct several of the Stadaconans, believing that they would make excellent proof of the success of his voyage. He even tried to abduct Donnacona himself, but settled for his two sons, Taignoagny and Domagaya. They travelled back\u00a0to France where they spent the winter before returning\u00a0to Stadacona in\u00a0the summer of 1535\u00a0as part of\u00a0Cartier\u2019s second voyage.<\/p>\n It was during this second tour that Cartier travelled farther upriver to another large settlement,\u00a0Hochelaga<\/strong>. Unlike Stadacona, Hochelaga was fortified with a triple palisade of wood. The town contained about 3,000 people and was surrounded by cornfields. Its location remains a source of debate, but there is general agreement that it was near the foot of what Cartier called Mount Royal (that is, Montreal), though on which side is uncertain.\u00a0A\u00a0drawing made subsequently of Hochelaga by a European artist working from Cartier’s descriptions\u00a0suggests an Italianate order, which most likely was the artist\u2019s invention. Nevertheless, its 50\u00a0longhouses (each perhaps\u00a030 metres deep) are represented. Hochelaga would have been an important meeting place at the confluence of the Ottawa\/Outaouais River, the Rivi\u00e8re des Prairies, and the St. Lawrence, abutting Algonquin territory to the north, Mohawk lands to the south, and Stadaconan territory to the east.\u00a0Those three palisades, however, strongly suggest a community\u00a0living in the shadow of violence and warfare.<\/p>\n Cartier’s expedition returned downriver to Stadacona, where they spent an especially cold and difficult winter. Most of\u00a0the crew died\u00a0from cold and scurvy. The good news was a cure provided by the Stadaconans that\u00a0mitigated the\u00a0vitamin C deficiency that causes scurvy\u00a0and\u00a0without which the whole of the French expedition would have been doomed. Despite Cartier\u2019s erratic and consistently ungrateful behaviour toward the St. Lawrence Iroquois, and despite losing about 50 of his own men\u00a0\u2014 evidently to ailments introduced by the Europeans \u2014 Donnaconna supported the foreigners through the winter. The Iroquoian leader made the mistake of telling Cartier about metal sources upriver (likely copper around Lake Superior) and this set off Cartier’s gold fever. The reduced French party would have to be reinforced and in order to do that Cartier would have to first return to France and sell the court of Francis I on the idea of further investment. To that end, and with an eye to supporting a local coup, Cartier abducted Donnaconna, his sons (again), and\u00a0seven other Stadaconans and took them all to France. Nine of the 10\u00a0perished, and the 10th never returned to Canada.<\/p>\n Although\u00a0Cartier received a warm welcome in\u00a0Stadacona when he returned for the last time in 1541, that feeling did not last long.\u00a0In that year the French made the last attempt of the century\u00a0at establishing a colonial foothold in Canada. Cartier led a settlement cohort of 300 French to\u00a0Charlesbourg-Royal, a site now identified as at Cap Rouge near Stadacona, but\u00a0the settlement lasted barely a year, beset as it was by bad weather and hostility from the Stadaconans whose hospitality and\u00a0generosity Cartier had repeatedly scorned. [2]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Cartier’s account of his 1541 voyage is silent on Hochelaga, from which scholars\u00a0conclude\u00a0that the town was gone by then. It may have been destroyed by enemies or disease, but as it was also the practice of Iroquoian farmers to move their villages every few years to find locations with better soil and to escape the accumulation of waste and vermin that beset older settlements, so it may have been dismantled and rebuilt elsewhere. At the present time — and perhaps forever — the fate of Hochelaga remains unknown.<\/p>\n The lacklustre interest on the part of the French in setting up a trading post in the St. Lawrence can be explained by a number of factors.\u00a0First, Spain had a head start in the Americas and was vigorously protecting its foreign monopoly. This was evident even in the Gulf of St. Lawrence where, after 1543, the Basque whaling fleet — made up of very large, well-armed and generally intimidating ships — “fulfilled [Spain’s] geopolitical aim of controlling the gateway to the gulf at [a] time of transatlantic rivalry….” The rise of New France in the next century allows us to lose sight of this Spanish initiative and its strength in the second half of the 15th\u00a0century: “For the next 35 years, while the French shelved their explorations, the Strait was the scene of a whaling industry of unprecedented scope and intensity, centred at Red Bay” on the Strait of Belle Isle.[3]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0It was fortunate for French interests that the Spanish, Basques, and Portuguese overwhelmingly pursued their maritime interests in the offshore fisheries. They had enough salt at their disposal to process their catch without making landfall and, under those conditions, had no real reason to establish even a toehold.\u00a0Second, Cartier disappointed his sponsors with samples of quartz and iron pyrites from Canada, which he very optimistically claimed were, respectively, diamonds and gold. (Hence the origin of the French saying, “as false as a diamond from Canada.”) He never found the mythological Kingdom of the Saguenay<\/strong>, which his St. Lawrence\u00a0Iroquoian hosts painted as a city of gold to rival the Incan capital at Cuzco. Finally, in the latter part of the 16th\u00a0century, the Wars of Religion <\/strong>distracted the French from further overseas efforts in Canada. Anyone reflecting on the French experience in North America to 1600 would be safe in concluding that it had been a failure and perhaps was over.<\/p>\n As a result of Cartier’s unpromising expeditions, the French retreated from the North\u00a0and spent much of the next 50\u00a0years trying to establish themselves elsewhere in the Americas.\u00a0In an effort to emulate the success of the combative Dutch, the French turned their attention to Portuguese-claimed territory\u00a0in Brazil. They established a position at Rio de Janeiro (“France Antarctique”) in 1555 and another much later in 1612 at S\u00e3o Lu\u00eds (“France \u00c9quinoxiale”). Nothing came of either effort.<\/p>\n There was slightly more promise in the prospect of a colony in Florida, which was then controlled by Spain. The ambitious goal in this instance was to weaken the Spanish political hold on the Americas as a whole. In 1564, Ren\u00e9 Goulaine de Laudonni\u00e8re led an expedition to Florida, establishing Fort Caroline<\/strong> at the mouth of the St. Johns River in Timucuan\u00a0<\/strong>territory\u00a0near\u00a0modern-day Jacksonville. Florida’s proximity to the rich Spanish Caribbean made it a strategically important position from which relatively easy wealth could be won. The French hoped to establish a successful settlement there, and thus a stepping-off point to contest Spanish power in the Caribbean. A foothold in Florida could also provide the opportunity to weaken the Spanish Crown through piracy; the prevailing currents and winds of the Caribbean and Atlantic ensured that\u00a0the treasure fleets travelled up along the Florida coast before venturing out across the Atlantic. The settlement at Fort Caroline also reflected\u00a0French concerns at home. Rising religious tensions between Catholics and Huguenots (Protestants) made it attractive to send\u00a0Protestants\u00a0to\u00a0Fort Caroline where they could have refuge while, at the same time, serving France.<\/p>\n The Spanish, hearing of the French incursion into Spanish territory, established their own colony just\u00a0south of Fort Caroline at San Agust\u00edn (St. Augustine). A\u00a0September 1565 expedition against\u00a0the French settlement\u00a0quickly overwhelmed their defences and the Spanish killed many of the men, sparing most of the women and children. Twenty-five of the Frenchmen escaped, making their way along the Florida coast. The Spanish caught up to them about 15 miles outside of St. Augustine, where Pedro Men\u00e9ndez de Avil\u00e9s\u00a0offered the Protestant Huguenots the chance to renounce their \u201capostate\u201d faith and embrace Catholicism; their refusal was part of what sealed their fate. The men were executed\u00a0and\u00a0Spanish dominance in Florida was secured. The massacre of the French settlers and soldiers marked the end of the French experiment in Florida and their attempts to undermine Spanish political control in the area.<\/p>\n Failure in Florida would cause French to revisit the possibility of colonies in Canada, although a generation would pass before a new French effort in the north came to pass.\u00a0In the interim, French fishing boats were still making the voyage to the Grand Banks fisheries, and they continued to encounter Aboriginal people who wished to trade. French\u00a0merchants\u00a0soon realized the St. Lawrence region was a reliable and rich source\u00a0of valuable fur-bearing animals, especially the beaver, which were becoming rare in Europe at a time when it was fashionable to\u00a0wear fur hats.\u00a0Encouraged by the merchants of its Atlantic ports, the French Crown decided to colonize the territory to secure and expand its influence in America.<\/p>\n Figure\u00a03.8<\/strong> Figure\u00a03.9<\/strong> Figure\u00a03.10<\/strong><\/a><\/a>Florida<\/h2>\n
<\/a>Key Points<\/h2>\n
\n
Attributions<\/h2>\n
\nTimbre-poste du Canada 3 cents Jacques Cartier 1934<\/a>\u00a0by\u00a0Jean Fex<\/a>\u00a0is in the\u00a0public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\n
\nViruses move inland along with French traders<\/a> by the\u00a0U.S. National Library of Medicine<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\n
\nFounding of Fort Caroline<\/a> by\u00a0Rama<\/a> is in the public domain<\/a>.<\/p>\n