{"id":6443,"date":"2016-11-02T15:03:19","date_gmt":"2016-11-02T15:03:19","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/?post_type=chapter&p=6443"},"modified":"2017-12-15T23:55:00","modified_gmt":"2017-12-15T23:55:00","slug":"5-3-the-widowed-land","status":"publish","type":"chapter","link":"https:\/\/opentextbc.ca\/preconfederation\/chapter\/5-3-the-widowed-land\/","title":{"raw":"5.3 The Widowed Land","rendered":"5.3 The Widowed Land"},"content":{"raw":"In 1519, the Spanish explorer\u00a0Hern\u00e1n Cort\u00e9s entered the Aztec capital city of Tenochtitlan, awed by its splendour. It was, he reported, \u201cso big and so remarkable [as to be]\u2026almost unbelievable, for the city is much larger than Granada and very much stronger\u2026with many more people than Granada had when it was taken\u2026[It] is as large as Seville or Cordova.\u201d\u00a0[footnote]Quoted in Ray Hutchison, Mark Gottdiener, Michael T. Ryan, The New Urban Sociology<\/em>, 5th ed. (Toronto: Westview Press, 2014), 38. [\/footnote] Cort\u00e9s, however, was not an indifferent tourist eager to see the sights and then be on his way.\r\n

The Fall of Mexico<\/h2>\r\nDespite their advantages, the Spanish did not defeat the Aztec coalition outright; rather they experienced a resounding defeat at the hands of the Aztecs\u00a0in 1520 and were forced to flee the capital city. Those Spaniards who were captured were sacrificed at the pyramid of Huitzilopochtli; this occurred on the night of June 30-July 1, 1520, called La Noche Triste (the Sad Night) by the Spaniards.\u00a0But this defeat was only a temporary setback for the Europeans, who received aid from two\u00a0sources.\u00a0The first of these was a massive Aboriginal army raised among the dissatisfied tribute-paying nations whose territories lay along the road from Veracruz to Tenochtitlan. The second was much more subtle.\r\n\r\nIn 1521, smallpox struck Tenochtitlan. The disease had been introduced into the city by a Spanish slave, left behind when the Europeans retreated.\u00a0An Aztec account of events (compiled 30\u00a0to\u00a040 years later in the Florentine Codex<\/em>) portrays the magnitude of what followed:\r\n
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After the Spaniards had left the city of Mexico, and before they had made any preparations to attack us again, there came amongst us a great sickness, a general plague. It began in the month of Tepeilhuitl. It raged amongst us, killing vast numbers of people. It covered many all over with sores: on the face, on the head, on the chest, everywhere. [\u2026] Nobody could move himself, nor turn his head, nor flex any part of his body. The sores were so terrible that the victims could not lie face down, nor on their backs, nor move from one side to the other. [\u2026] Many died of the disease, and many others died merely of hunger. They starved to death because there was no one left alive to care for them. [\u2026] The worst phase of this pestilence lasted sixty days, sixty days of horror \u2026 then it diminished, but it never stopped entirely\u2026. And when this had happened, the Spanish returned.[footnote]Quoted in Ronald Wright, Stolen Continents: The \u201cNew World\u201d Through Indian Eyes Since 1492<\/em> (Toronto: Viking, 1992), 45.[\/footnote]<\/div><\/blockquote>\r\nThose struck by the disease were too weak to move, and even if they survived, were in no condition to cultivate food. The inhabitants of the city were literally starving to death.\r\n\r\nOn August 21, 1521, the Spanish re-entered the city, overwhelmed its last defences, declared victory, and accepted the surrender of the remaining Aztec\u00a0military. The conditions they encountered were horrifying. Bernal D\u00edaz del Castillo (ca.1492-1584), a conquistadore<\/em> and eyewitness, wrote some years later that the Spaniards \u201cfound the houses full of corpses, and some poor Mexicans still in [the houses] who could not move away\u2026The city looked as though it had been ploughed up. The roots of any edible greenery had been dug out, boiled and eaten, and they had even cooked the bark of some of the trees.\u201d[footnote]Bernal Diaz del Castillo, The Conquest of New Spain, <\/em>trans. John M. Cohen (London: Penguin, 1963), 407.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\nSmallpox was the real\u00a0conquistadore\u00a0<\/em>in Mexico; Cort\u00e9s and his small army simply mopped up.\u00a0The collapse of the most powerful indigenous empire in North America in this manner was a foretaste of events that would follow in the territories that eventually became Canada and the United States.\r\n

Exotic Diseases<\/h2>\r\nThe Americas gave the rest of the world the basis of life: easily grown carbohydrates complemented with beans, squash and, of course, chocolate. The rest of the world gave the Americas death. Unchecked by extant immunities, diseases like\u00a0smallpox, typhus, measles, bubonic plague,\u00a0cholera, malaria, mumps, yellow fever, pertussis (whooping cough),\u00a0and influenza were responsible for the destruction of large segments of the Caribs, Arawaks, Beothuks, and Meso-American empires.\u00a0These diseases worked their way across the whole of the continent. The last of the great smallpox epidemics in Canada took place on the West Coast as recently as 1862-63,\u00a0claiming around 20,000 lives. That sad episode is considered in Chapter 13<\/a>, but it is a number worth pondering for a moment here: 20,000 dead in the space of less than a year represents a lot of communities utterly destroyed and huge numbers of corpses with no one to bury them. Generally, attacks of exotic diseases were\u00a0worst for island-based societies like the Beothuk of Newfoundland and perhaps the Pentlatch\u00a0of Vancouver Island insofar as their ability to retreat was limited by geography and the ocean.\r\n\r\nThese \"new\" diseases that Europeans brought to the Americas were dangerous both at home and abroad, but they were devastating in the New World, where they killed thousands. Europeans\u00a0had built up varying levels of immunities over generations,\u00a0which the people in the Americas had not. Europeans had had the advantage of being\u00a0exposed to\u00a0domestic\u00a0animals, which put them\u00a0at constant risk of some trans-species epidemic. (Even today we worry about \"swine flu\" or \"bird flu,\" both\u00a0of which may be transmuted by contact with living animals or by eating improperly prepared meat.) More importantly, millennia of exposure to these illnesses produced physical immune responses, either through first exposure to the virus, by being\u00a0passed across generations via mothers' milk, or through\u00a0\"chance inoculation,\" as was the case with milk maids who were constantly in contact with cowpox (a close relative of smallpox), which gave them\u00a0a greater degree of immunity to the\u00a0smallpox\u00a0<\/em>virus.\r\n\r\nPeople in the Americas had none of these advantages. Because they had few domesticated animals they had little exposure to cross-species viruses, and\u00a0large urban settlements like Tenochtitlan or crowded islands like those in the Caribbean were perfect environments for smallpox to thrive. Historians do not agree on the magnitude of the devastation -- there is no way to know with absolute accuracy how many people were here before the\u00a0virgin soil epidemics<\/strong> and no way to know how many perished -- but there is consensus that the mortality rates were astonishingly high with no parallels in the history of humanity.\r\n\r\nScholars currently generally agree that there were\u00a0approximately 50\u00a0million people living in the Western Hemisphere in 1492. Of that number, some 6\u00a0million were living in the\u00a0Aztec Empire, another 8 million in the Mayan States, 11 million in what is now\u00a0Brazil, and 12 million in the\u00a0Inca Empire. What is now Canada is reckoned to have had a pre-contact population of about 500,000, although high estimates run to as many as\u00a02 million. The impact of exotic epidemics\u00a0on Meso-America and the Caribbean\u00a0provides a benchmark for the effects on the population as a whole because the Spanish were in a position to observe some Aboriginal communities as they passed through the catastrophe: the lowest estimates are of an astonishing 90% death toll by the end of the 17th century.\u00a0Warfare between the European invaders and the locals claimed many lives as well. Island populations fared especially badly, some disappearing entirely. On the mainland, however, it was not much better: the last three decades of the 16th century saw the population of present-day Mexico drop from 6 million to about 1 million people. According to some estimates, it has taken nearly 500 years for the Maya population to rebound to its late 15th century level.\u00a0In what is now Brazil, the indigenous population declined from a pre-Columbian high of an estimated 4 to 8 million to some 300,000. These three areas alone lost more than all of\u00a0Europe during the Black Death.[footnote]The field of contact-era demography changed dramatically in the 1960s with the publication of Henry Dobyns\u2019 1966 study, \"Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques With a New Hemispheric Estimate\" in Current Anthropology<\/em> 7 (1966): 395-416. Previous estimates of one million people north of the Rio Grande were suddenly increased to 9.8 - 12.25 million. Scholars have since revised this number upward and, sometimes, downward. Some of the key and relevant studies are: Alfred W. Crosby Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492<\/em> (Westport, NC: Greewood Press, 1972); William M Denevan, ed.,\u00a0The Native Population of the Americas in 1492<\/em> (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976); Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History since 1492<\/em> (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987); and Douglas H. Ubelaker, \u201cNorth American Indian Population Size: Changing Perspectives,\u201d in Disease and Demography in the Americas<\/em>, eds. John W. Verano and Douglas H. Ubelaker (Washington: Smithsonian Institute, 1992). [\/footnote]\r\n\r\nSome scholars estimate that between 50% and\u00a090% of the North\u00a0American population died in the wake of the Spanish voyages. Spanish explorers like Ponce de Le\u00f3n raced back and forth across the Florida peninsula with a small herd of pigs to feed his troops: his principal legacy was a massive die-off of indigenous humans. In 1618-1619, smallpox killed 90% of the Native Americans in the area of the\u00a0Massachusetts Bay. Historians believe many Mohawk in present-day\u00a0New York\u00a0became infected after contact with children of Dutch traders at Fort Orange (Albany, New York) in 1634. Disease swept through Mohawk villages, reaching the Onondaga at Lake Ontario by 1636.\r\n\r\nMany of these epidemics occurred in the\u00a0proto-contact period, after contact but ahead of sustained relationships. In some cases, the viruses were passed along inland to people and communities who would, in essence, never see a European with their own eyes. In other words, there are no European eyewitness accounts. One can easily imagine this situation from the perspective of New France in the 1640s: no one from that colony had ventured farther west than Georgian Bay, and therefore they couldn't know\u00a0what was happening beyond Lake Huron.\u00a0It is also possible that European fishing fleets introduced exotic diseases before Cartier, perhaps before Cabot. [footnote]Cornelius J. Jaenen, Friend and Foe: Aspects of French-Amerindian Cultural Contact in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries<\/em> (Toronto: McLelland and Stewart, 1976), 98-99.[\/footnote] If that is the case, one may speculate on\u00a0how much of the natural landscape of North America was, indeed, already a land widowed for a century before resettlement began. Perhaps\u00a0 bison herds grew to their enormous numbers because the number of humans preying on them had fallen. Perhaps\u00a0the lushness\u00a0of the eastern hardwood forests was due to human neglect.[footnote]On the topic of environmental changes coupled to population crises, see William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists and the Ecology of New England<\/em> (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1983).[\/footnote]\r\n

Smallpox in Canada<\/h2>\r\nSmallpox may have been the chief culprit behind the disappearance of the St. Lawrence Iroquois. From 1535 to 1542, Cartier was an occasional guest in two significant centres: Stadacona and Hochelaga. By 1600 both were gone, as were the many smaller, related settlements that lined the north shore of the river. Historians thought, for many years, that \u00a0their Algonquin and\/or Montagnais neighbours sent them packing or that the Five Nations League assimilated them. Archaeologists have traced St. Lawrence Iroquois women to Wendake (Huronia) after 1615 on the strength of their distinctive pottery; the absence of St. Lawrence\u00a0Iroquoian men's artifacts -- specifically clay pipes -- is taken as evidence that the Wendat killed the men\u00a0and took the women \u00a0as captives.[footnote]Marcel Moussette, \"A Universe under Strain: Amerindian Nations in North-Eastern North America in the 16th Century,\"\u00a0Post-Medieval Archaeology<\/em>\u00a043, issue 1 (2009): 39.[\/footnote] It is possible, too, that climate change in the late 15th century affected the St. Lawrence peoples. On balance of evidence, however, the likelihood is greater that they were raided out of existence. Keep in mind that Hochelaga was surrounded by a triple\u00a0palisade, which the Hochelagans certainly did not build for its looks. No\u00a0explanation for the disappearing Iroquoians, however, is as convincing as the prospect of an epidemic, which would have scoured the valley clean (leaving it conveniently available for resettlement by the French).\r\n\r\nHistorians\u00a0know this is a possibility because of what happened in Wendake (Huronia) \u00a0from 1634 to 1639. In those years smallpox laid waste to the towns\u00a0of the Wendat Confederacy, claiming\u00a0half the Wendat population. It is not known if the route taken by smallpox\u00a0passed through Mohawk lands to Wendat fortress villages or whether it came via the early settlements at New France. Regardless, the high rate of fatalities caused breakdowns in Aboriginal\u00a0societies and disrupted generational exchanges of culture. For the Wendat this meant that a rising cohort\u00a0of young warriors were lost and so too were the elders whose knowledge of the culture and diplomacy were never more needed. A decade later Wendake (Huronia) was no more. It is entirely possible that a similar scenario befell the Stadaconans, the Hochelagans, and their neighbours a century earlier.\r\n\r\nFor Aboriginal communities, the disease\u00a0epidemics caused,\u00a0at the very least, confusion. The unfamiliar symptoms of smallpox and measles -- fever, severe weakness, rashes, pustules -- would have been frightening. Aboriginal healers responded to the exotic diseases as they did to any other injury or indigenous ailment (like poisoning, parasites, gallstones, or tumours): they understood them as the work of an aggrieved or malicious spirit and would convene a healing ceremony in the victim's longhouse with relatives nearby for support. Of course, this response\u00a0was akin to setting up a campfire in a gunpowder mill. Smallpox spreads principally through droplets expelled by breathing and coughing; offering an infected person spiritual support at close quarters was a fatal error.\r\n\r\nThe Wendat tried to determine what had changed in their world to cause the disease, and the answer\u00a0was the French. In particular, many blamed the Jesuit missionaries they had hosted at the villages since the early 1630s (and on whose records we rely heavily for this information). The Wendat were partly right in determining that the epidemic\u00a0came from the Europeans, although which ones we cannot say for sure in most cases. Despite the mistrust,\u00a0some of the Wendat nevertheless turned to the Jesuits for spiritual answers, which resulted in villages fractured\u00a0between traditionalists and converts.\r\n\r\nThe one response to the smallpox epidemic that could have helped stem the spread was quarantine, but the Wendat never attempted that. In their culture, illness was something through which people were marshalled by their shamans and their kin;\u00a0leaving someone to die alone in fear and isolation would have been unforgivable. However, this laudable ethos resulted in hundreds of thousands of people dying.\r\n\r\nThe Haudenosaunee response to the 1630s smallpox epidemic was to attack Wendake (Huronia), which\u00a0made sense in the light of\u00a0 the Mourning Wars that continued during these years. There was ample\u00a0opportunity for attack as the Wendat were weakened by disease (and divided over\u00a0the presence of the Jesuit missionaries). The Iroquois had economic goals in mind, too, as they hoped to improve their position in the fur trade economies of both the French and the Dutch colonies or at least act as spoilers who could undermine the success enjoyed by their rivals. Perhaps most importantly, it was common practice among the Iroquois (and many other peoples) to adopt into their communities captives taken in military campaigns, especially when a loss of population at home had left them low in numbers. Attacking the Wendat presented the opportunity for revenge, victory, profit, and adoptees to replace those Mohawk lost in the epidemic of 1634.\r\n\r\nAll of these factors would continue to play a role in Haudenosaunee military campaigns across the Ohio Valley and the Great Lakes for the rest of the century. Epidemics had the effect of clearing important pieces from the chessboard. With the Wendat Confederacy out of the way by 1649, there was little to stop Haudenosaunee influence from spreading west. Within 30 years the Iroquois were on the (abandoned) doorstep of Cahokia; a generation later they were in control of the whole Ohio Valley.\u00a0The so-called Beaver Wars were partly about controlling the flow of goods to the Europeans, but they were also driven by a separate Iroquoian agenda.\r\n\r\n[caption id=\"attachment_3359\" align=\"aligncenter\" width=\"500\"]\"Arrows<\/a> Figure 5.5 Expansion of Five Nations Territory during the Beaver Wars.[\/caption]\r\n\r\nEpidemics continued to work their way across the continent. There is simply no way to know how far and how fast they spread. At least once a century there was another pandemic that shellacked Aboriginal populations. An epidemic in 1702 covered most of the Great Lakes region\u00a0and another in 1736-38 arrived on the Plains, in what is now southern Manitoba. Disease, as is often the case, followed troops into the field during the Seven Years' War: from the 1750s through the 1780s smallpox turned up like a fire that could not be fully extinguished.\u00a0In 1781-82\u00a0smallpox appeared on the northern Plains,\u00a0in this case originating in New Spain and carried north along the horse-trading network. In remarkably well-documented accounts from York Factory and Cumberland House in what is now northeast Saskatchewan, the HBC traders applied what little they knew of quarantine practices to isolate their Aboriginal partner populations from the infected. The Cumberland House Journal<\/em>, written by William Tomison, indicates that inherited immunities protected the European population entirely while every single infected Aboriginal person died.\r\n\r\nIn the midst of the grim and tragic conditions that prevailed, there were a few acts of genuine compassion: \"In their primitive and already crowded quarters at Cumberland House, Tomison's Caucasian HBC servants, under his direction, took in the dying Indians, provided them with food, shelter and 24 h care (nearly a century in advance of the arrival of Grey Nuns in the northwest), and then, in most instances, dug their graves in deeply frozen ground in midwinter.\" Some of the horrors are recorded in the Cumberland House Journal<\/em>:\r\n
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15th Tuesday. Late in the Evening a Distressed Woman and her Child came here, these are all that is alive out of one Tent, and has not yet been ailing. The News she brings is still more and more alarming ... the small pox rageing amongst them with its greatest fury, and carrying all before it, they chiefly Die within the third or fourth Night, and those that survive after that time are left to be devoured by the wild beasts.[footnote]C. Stuart Houston and Stan Houston, \"The First Smallpox Epidemic on the Canadian Plains: In the Fur-Traders' Words,\" Canadian Journal of Infectious Diseases\u00a0<\/em>11, no.2 (March\/April 2000): 112-115.[\/footnote]<\/div><\/blockquote>\r\nAboriginal peoples on the Plains in particular were caught in the crosshairs of disease vectors<\/strong>. Ships from Britain entering Hudson Bay ensured that there was a regular supply of measles and influenza outbreaks heading west along the Saskatchewan River system; the York\/Columbia Express (see Chapters 8<\/a> and Chapter 13<\/a>)\u00a0made it possible for\u00a0infected Europeans to reach deep into the country and pass along their illnesses; likewise infectious diseases worked their way west from Montreal along trading corridors, with the two lines meeting in the north-central Plains. And then there were epidemics from New Spain that rushed north on horseback. Having acquired British or Canadian products for trade into the Aboriginal economy, the Cree, Assiniboine,\u00a0and Anishinaabe\u00a0(Ojibwa) were moving within a vector of death in which there was no question of \"if,\" only \"when.\"\r\n\r\nSimilarly, the 1780s Prairie epidemic may have collided in what is now British Columbia with smallpox introduced from the Pacific coast. Some historians and archaeologists believe that\u00a0Pacific Northwest populations crumbled by as much as 90%. The numbers are uncertain because there are only\u00a0abandoned village sites and conflicting\u00a0oral accounts to rely on.\u00a0More reliable is the evidence of the\u00a0impact of smallpox in the 1830s on the\u00a0Plains and its destruction of\u00a0the Mandan-Hidatsa farm villages and trademarts on which the Iron Confederacy (Cree, Assiniboine, Anishinaabe) largely\u00a0depended. Measles likely first\u00a0came ashore on\u00a0Haida Gwaii at about the same time, taking 30% or more of the population.[footnote]Roderic Beaujot and Don Kerr, Population Change in Canada<\/em>, 2nd edition (Don Mills: Oxford University Press, 2004), 22-3.[\/footnote]\r\n\r\nThe mechanics of demographic change are important to this story. Like all\u00a0societies,\u00a0Aboriginal nations\u00a0depend\u00a0on growth by having more births and immigrants than deaths.\u00a0Historical demographers believe that pre-contact mortality rates in Native societies\u00a0were\u00a0no better than they were for pre-contact Europeans: life expectancies were not especially high and infant mortality rates may well have been crippling. The difference between the two cultures, however, was that\u00a0the fertility rate among Aboriginal people appears to have been lower than it was in Europe, Africa, and Asia. The lack of domesticated dairy animals meant that Aboriginal women likely nursed their\u00a0children for\u00a0two or more years, effectively dampening their fertility. Any sudden acceleration in mortality levels, then, could only be smoothed out over a longer period of time. And in the years of contact and increased conflict with neighbours, time was a commodity in short supply. Immigration from neighbouring or related First Nations -- voluntary or involuntary -- drew in new populations to some Aboriginal communities but it did so at the price of other societies, a zero-sum proposition for the aggregate\u00a0indigenous population.\r\n\r\nOnce again, the Columbian Exchange seems to have been\u00a0uneven. The only affliction that Europe suffered after contact and that is thought to have its origins in the Americas is syphilis. At its worst, syphilis is a dreadful, disfiguring, and miserable illness, not something to be taken lightly. Although the origin of syphilis has been widely debated and its exact origin is unknown, Europeans like Bartolom\u00e9 de las Casas wrote that the disease was well known among the Amerindians of the Caribbean\u00a0in the early 1500s. Skeletal remains of Native Americans from this period and earlier suggest that here, in contrast to other regions of the world, the disease had a congenital form. Lesions on the skull and other parts of the skeleton are a feature associated with the late stages of the disease. A second theory that\u00a0has received a good deal of support in the 21st century is that syphilis existed in Europe\u00a0prior to the voyages of Columbus, but that it was unrecognized until it became common and widely spread in the Italian Wars that\u00a0followed the discovery of the New World. Certainly the timing is suspicious: the Americas are encountered in 1492 and syphilis spiralled out of Italy and across France in 1494.\u00a0The conquistadore <\/em>Cort\u00e9s, the man whose expedition introduced smallpox into the heart of Mexico, was himself a victim of syphilis, which he contracted in Haiti.\r\n
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Key Points<\/h2>\r\n