Approximate reading time: 48 minutes

Mamie and Kenneth Clark’s Famous Doll Experiment

Mamie and Kenneth Clark’s doll experiment in the 1940s made a pivotal contribution to our understanding of lifespan development, particularly in the context of racial bias and its influence on self-perception from an early age. This experiment was designed to explore the psychological impact of segregation on African-American children by presenting them with two dolls, identical except for their skin and hair colour, and asking the children to choose based on preference and the attribution of positive traits. The majority of children — both Black and white — preferred the white doll, associating it with positive characteristics. This preference indicated an early internalisation (inner sense of self) of racial bias and a negative self-perception among Black children, influenced by societal norms of racial discrimination.

The findings from this experiment underscore the profound effect of societal factors, like discrimination, on a child’s self-esteem and self-image, illustrating how early experiences of bias can impact development and mental health throughout life. The Clarks’ work emphasised the importance of the early environment in shaping an individual’s development, highlighting the need for societal changes to address these biases.

Their study significantly influenced the Brown versus Board of Education Supreme Court case in 1954, which led to school desegregation in the US. It underscored the importance of inclusive environments for positive child development and influenced educational policies and environments for future generations.

The Clarks’ experiment revealed the impact of societal factors on self and others’ perception, informing interventions to support healthy development across the lifespan.

Vygotsky and the Sociocultural Construction of Cognition

Lev Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory of development emphasises the significant role of culture and social interactions in shaping cognitive development. Central to his theory are three distinct zones that describe the steps of learning and development, which can be simplified to: “What I Cannot Do Yet”, “What I Can Do With Help (Zone of Proximal Development)”, and “What I Can Do By Myself (Zone of Achieved Development)”. Let’s look at each step.

Prior to entering the Zone of Development (What I Cannot Do Yet) there are tasks and concepts that lie beyond an individual’s current capabilities and understanding. These represent areas of future learning and growth, highlighting the potential for development as foundational skills are strengthened and more complex tasks are approached.

Zone of Proximal Development (What I Can Do With Help) is the core of Vygotsky’s theory. This zone defines the difference between what a learner can achieve independently and what they can accomplish with guidance and encouragement from someone more knowledgeable, such as a teacher, parent, or peer. It’s in this zone that the concept of scaffolding plays a crucial role. Scaffolding involves step by step, customized support provided by the more knowledgeable other, which is gradually withdrawn as the learner gains independence. Tasks within the zone of proximal development are slightly beyond the learner’s current reach but are attainable with the appropriate support, facilitating significant learning and cognitive development.

Zone of Achieved Development (What I Can Do By Myself) encompasses the tasks and concepts an individual can perform or understand without any external assistance. This zone reflects the learner’s current level of independent competence, showcasing the skills and knowledge they have already mastered. It serves as the foundation for future learning, as the skills acquired independently become the basis for tackling more challenging tasks within the Zone of Proximal Development.

By identifying these three learning zones, Vygotsky highlights how important mentors, Elders, and knowledgeable peers are to our ability to learn and grow. Through this framework, Vygotsky provides a comprehensive model for understanding how individuals progress from potential development to actualised skills and knowledge.

Psychosocial Development: Erikson

Erik Erikson’s (1902–1994) (Figure Above) psychosocial development theory emphasises the social nature of our development. Erikson (1963) proposed that we are motivated by a need to achieve competence in certain areas of our lives. According to psychosocial theory, we experience eight stages of development over our lifespan, from infancy through late adulthood. At each stage, there is a conflict, or task, that we need to resolve. Successful completion of each developmental task results in a sense of competence and a healthy personality. Failure to master these tasks leads to feelings of inadequacy. Let’s look at Erikson’s eight stages of psychosocial development:

• Infancy (birth to 12 months): Trust versus mistrust is the core conflict, where responsive care fosters trust in infants while neglect leads to mistrust. Infants are dependent upon their caregivers, so caregivers who are responsive and sensitive to their infant’s needs help their baby to develop a sense of trust; their baby will see the world as a safe, predictable place. Unresponsive caregivers who do not meet their baby’s needs can engender feelings of anxiety, fear, and mistrust; their baby may see the world as unpredictable.
• Toddlerhood (1–3 years): The stage of autonomy versus shame and doubt, where toddlers learn independence through choices, enhancing autonomy; over-restriction fosters doubt. This is the “I do it” stage.
• Preschool (3–6 years): Initiative versus guilt, where children develop self-confidence and purpose through initiating activities; excessive criticism leads to guilt. Those who do will develop self-confidence and feel a sense of purpose.
• Elementary School (7–11 years): Industry versus inferiority, where children build pride and accomplishment through skills and activities; failure to match peers can cause feelings of inferiority. They either develop a sense of pride and accomplishment in their schoolwork, sports, social activities, and family life, or they feel inferior and inadequate when they don’t measure up.
• Adolescence (12–18 years): Identity versus role confusion, focusing on developing a strong sense of self; failure results in confusion about identity and future roles. Adolescents struggle with questions such as “Who am I?” and “What do I want to do with my life?” Along the way, most adolescents try on many different selves to see which ones fit. Adolescents who are successful at this stage have a strong sense of identity and are able to remain true to their beliefs and values in the face of problems and other people’s perspectives. Others might feel unsure of their identity and confused about the future.
• Early Adulthood (20s to early 40s): Intimacy versus isolation, where forming intimate relationships is key; failure leads to isolation. After we have developed a sense of self in adolescence, we are ready to share our life with others. Erikson said that we must have a strong sense of self before developing intimate relationships with others.
• Middle Adulthood (40s to mid-60s): Generativity versus stagnation, involving contributing to others’ development; failure results in a sense of stagnation. Generativity involves finding your life’s work and contributing to the development of others, through activities such as volunteering, mentoring, and raising children.
• Late Adulthood (mid-60s onward): Integrity versus despair, where reflecting on life achievements can lead to satisfaction; failure may result in regret and despair. People in late adulthood reflect on their lives and feel either a sense of satisfaction or a sense of failure. People who feel proud of their accomplishments have a sense of integrity, and they can look back on their lives with few regrets. However, people who are not successful at this stage may feel as if their lives have been wasted.

Table Source: Erikson, E. H. (1950). Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. In Childhood and society (pp. 247-274). W. W. Norton & Company.

Jean Piaget (1896–1980) is another stage theorist who studied childhood development (Figure LD.7). Instead of approaching development from a psychosocial perspective, Piaget focused on children’s cognitive growth. He believed that thinking is a central aspect of development and that children are naturally inquisitive. However, he said that children do not think and reason like adults (Piaget, 1930, 1932). His theory of cognitive development suggests that our cognitive abilities develop through specific stages, which is an example of the discontinuity of development, i.e., as we progress to a new stage, there is a distinct and irreversible shift in how we think and reason.

Piaget said that children develop schemata to help them understand the world.  Schemata are concepts (mental models) that are used to help us categorise and interpret information. By the time children have reached adulthood, they have created schemata for almost everything. When children learn new information, they adjust their schemata through two processes: assimilation and accommodation. First, they assimilate new information or experiences in terms of their current schemata:  assimilation is when they take in information that is comparable to what they already know; accommodation  describes when they change their schemata based on new information. This process continues as children interact with their environment.

For example, 2-year-old Majd learned the schema for dogs because his family has a Labrador Retriever. When Majd sees other dogs in his picture books, he says to his parents, “Dog!” So Majd has assimilated them into his schema for dogs. One day, Majd sees a sheep for the first time and says to his parent, “Dog!” Having a basic schema that a dog is an animal with four legs and fur, Majd thinks all furry, four-legged creatures are dogs. When Majd’s parent tells him that the animal he sees is a sheep, not a dog, Majd must accommodate his schema for dogs to include more information based on his new experiences. Majd’s schema for dog was too broad, since not all furry, four-legged creatures are dogs. He now modifies his schema for dogs and forms a new one for sheep.

Like Erikson, Piaget thought that development unfolds in a series of stages approximately associated with age ranges. He proposed a theory of cognitive development that unfolds in four stages: sensorimotor, pre-operational, concrete operational, and formal operational (Table LD.2).

Table source: Piaget, J. (2001). Piaget’s stages of cognitive development. In B. Inhelder, H. H. Chipman, & C. Zwingmann (Eds.), The essential Piaget (pp. 241-246). Basic Books.

Stage 1 – Sensorimotor Stage

The first stage is the sensorimotor stage, which lasts from birth to about 2 years old.

• During this stage, children learn about the world through their senses and motor behaviour.
• Young children put objects in their mouths to see if the items are edible, and once they can grasp objects, they may shake or bang them to see if they make sounds.
• Between 5 and 8 months old, the child develops object permanence, which is the understanding that even if something is out of sight, it still exists (Bogartz, Shinskey, & Schilling, 2000). According to Piaget, young infants do not remember an object after it has been removed from sight. Piaget studied infants’ reactions when a toy was first shown to an infant and then hidden under a blanket. Infants who had already developed object permanence would reach for the hidden toy, indicating that they knew it still existed, whereas infants who had not developed object permanence would appear confused.

Watch this video: What is Object Permanence? (4 minutes)

“What is Object Permanence?” video by Psy vs. Psy is licensed under the Standard YouTube licence.

In Piaget’s view, around the same time children develop object permanence, they also begin to exhibit stranger anxiety, which is a fear of unfamiliar people. Babies may demonstrate this by crying and turning away from a stranger, by clinging to a caregiver, or by attempting to reach their arms toward familiar faces such as parents. Stranger anxiety results when a child is unable to assimilate the stranger into an existing schema; therefore, the child can’t predict what their experience with that stranger will be like, which results in a fear response.

Stage 2 – Preoperational Stage

Piaget’s second stage is the preoperational stage, which is from approximately 2 to 7 years old. In this stage, children can:

• Use symbols to represent words, images, and ideas, which is why children in this stage engage in pretend play.
• Use language in the preoperational stage, but they cannot understand adult logic or mentally manipulate information (the term  operational  refers to logical manipulation of information, so children at this stage are considered to be preoperational). Children’s logic is based on their own personal knowledge of the world so far, rather than on conventional knowledge.
• Cannot perform mental operations because they have not developed an understanding of conservation, which is the idea that even if you change the appearance of something, it is still equal in size as long as nothing has been removed or added.

Watch this video: A typical child on Piaget’s conservation tasks (4 minutes)

“A typical child on Piaget’s conservation tasks” video by munakatay is licensed under the Standard YouTube licence.

Stage 3 – Concrete Operational Stage

Piaget’s third stage is the concrete operational stage, which occurs from about 7 to 11 years old. In this stage, children can:

• Think logically about real (concrete) events; they have a firm grasp on the use of numbers and start to employ memory strategies;
• Perform mathematical operations and understand transformations, such as the fact that addition is the opposite of subtraction, and multiplication is the opposite of division; and
• Master the concept of conservation: even if something changes shape, its mass, volume, and number stay the same.

Children in the concrete operational stage also understand the principle of  reversibility, which means that objects can be changed and then returned back to their original form or condition. Take, for example, water that you poured into the short, wide glass; you can pour that same volume of water from the short, wide glass into a new thin, tall glass and still have the same amount (minus a couple of drops).

Stage 4 – Formal Operational Stage

The fourth, and last, stage in Piaget’s theory is the formal operational stage, which is from about age 11 to adulthood. Children in the formal operational stage can:

• Deal with abstract ideas and hypothetical situations; this is because they tend to think more flexibly and creatively;
• Use abstract thinking to problem-solve, look at alternative solutions, and test these solutions.

Stage 5 – Beyond Formal Operational Thought

As with other major contributors of theories of development, several of Piaget’s ideas have come under criticism; several contemporary studies support a model of development that is more continuous than Piaget’s discrete stages (Courage & Howe, 2002; Siegler, 2005, 2006). Many others suggest that children reach cognitive milestones earlier than Piaget describes (Baillargeon, 2004; de Hevia & Spelke, 2010).

According to Piaget, the highest level of cognitive development is formal operational thought, which develops between 11 and 20 years old. However, many developmental psychologists disagree with Piaget, suggesting a fifth stage of cognitive development, known as the postformal stage (Basseches, 1984; Commons & Bresette, 2006; Sinnott, 1998).

In postformal thinking, decisions are made based on situations and circumstances, and logic is integrated with emotion as adults develop principles that depend on contexts. One way that we can see the difference between an adult in postformal thought and an adolescent in formal operations is in terms of how they handle emotionally charged issues.

Watch this video: Tricky Topics: Piaget’s Developmental Stages (9 minutes)

“Tricky Topics: Piaget’s Developmental Stages” video by FirstYearPsych Dalhousie is licensed under the Standard YouTube licence.

Moral Development: Kohlberg and Gilligan

Kohlberg’s Stages of Moral Development

A major task, beginning in childhood and continuing into adolescence, is distinguishing right from wrong. Lawrence Kohlberg (1927–1987) attempted to extend Piaget’s ideas about stages of cognitive development to moral development, suggesting that morality, too, was developed over a series of stages throughout life. To develop this theory, Kohlberg posed moral dilemmas to people of all ages and placed them in particular stages based upon analysis of their answers.

Kohlberg divided moral development into three main levels: pre-conventional, conventional, and post-conventional, each reflecting a different way of thinking about morals and ethics.

Watch this video: Kohlberg’s 6 Stages of Moral Development (7 minutes)

“Kohlberg’s 6 Stages of Moral Development” video by Sprouts is licensed under the Standard YouTube licence.

Pre-conventional level

At the pre-conventional level, there is an understanding of morality based on consequences and personal benefits. This is the initial stage of moral development, primarily seen in children.

• Stage 1: Obedience and punishment orientation (“Do right to avoid trouble”). At this stage, children see rules as fixed and absolute. They obey rules not because they understand them, but because they fear punishment. For example, a child may refrain from stealing a toy because they fear being reprimanded or punished.
• Stage 2: Individualism and exchange (“What’s in it for me?”). Here, children realise that different individuals have different viewpoints. They start to consider what’s in it for them. Rules are followed if they align with their immediate personal interest. For instance, a child might do a chore in exchange for a reward.

Conventional level

At the conventional level, moral decisions are based on societal norms (staying within social and cultural conventions) and the desire to maintain order and good relationships. This level is typical in adolescence and adulthood.

• Stage 3: Good interpersonal relationships (“Be a good person”). At this stage, people strive for social approval and good relationships. They try to be “good” by living up to social expectations and roles. For example, a worker might go the extra mile on a task not because they think it’s right, but because they want to be seen as a good employee.
• Stage 4: Maintaining the social order (“Law and order”). People start to consider society as a whole. They recognise the importance of obeying laws and respect authority for maintaining social order. An example is a citizen paying taxes not just because it’s the law, but because they understand the role of taxes in societal functioning.

Post-conventional level

At the post-conventional level, there is a questioning of authority and societal norms (going beyond social and cultural conventions) and decisions based on personal principles of justice and human rights.

• Stage 5: Social contract and individual rights (“Questioning authority”). Here, people understand that while rules and laws exist for the good of the majority, there are times when those laws can work against the rights of some individuals. They begin to account for different values, opinions, and beliefs. For instance, someone may support civil disobedience to challenge laws they see as unjust.
• Stage 6: Universal principles (“Moral compass”). At this stage, people have developed their own set of moral guidelines which may or may not align with societal laws. These principles are abstract and ethical, not concrete rules. They’re upheld regardless of official rules and laws and applied universally. An example might be a person who believes in and practices non-violence, even when it’s legally permissible or advantageous to be violent.

It’s important to note that Kohlberg believed individuals could only progress through these stages in the order listed, and that moral understanding is linked to cognitive development. However, not everyone reaches the post-conventional level; some people stop at earlier stages and spend their whole lives there. Critics have argued that Kohlberg’s stages are overly focused on justice and don’t sufficiently incorporate other important moral values, such as compassion and care.

Carol Gilligan and the Ethic of Care

Using this framework, Kohlberg erroneously claimed that more males than females reach higher stages and that females seem to be deficient in their moral reasoning abilities (1969). Carol Gilligan, who worked with Kohlberg, challenged his framework (Gilligan, 1982). Kohlberg studied predominantly upper-middle class, white males and Gilligan pointed out the obvious bias inherent in basing a theory on such a narrowly defined group of people. Using female participants, she redefined Kohlberg’s stages to allow moral problems to be considered from different perspectives.

Although an improvement over Kohlberg’s theories, the dilemma-based tasks used by Gilligan assessed moral reasoning, which is different from moral behaviour. Sometimes what we say we’d do in a situation (“talk the talk”) is not what we actually do (“walk the walk”). So, how exactly does one define moral behaviour? The definition of what makes a “good person” has long been the subject of philosophical debate and is unlikely to reach consensus anytime soon. As a tool for measuring moral development, neither Kohlberg’s nor Gilligan’s dilemmas are feasible in young children, who do not have the language comprehension required for these tests. In fact, Kohlberg lumped all children under the age of 10 in the same level of moral development.

A more evidence-based approach is to measure specific components of morality which are easier to define, like prosocial behaviour, defined as any behaviour done with the intention of benefiting someone else. This includes acts such as helping, consoling, and sharing, and can be assessed using simple behavioural tests. For example, participants can be asked to allocate resources to themselves and others under different conditions. Research using these simpler tasks has revealed that helping behaviour and sharing are evident in children as young as 2 years old, and that the nature of these prosocial behaviours changes over the course of development (Warneken & Tomasello, 2006; Williams et al., 2014).

One 2019 study compared rates at which infants demonstrated prosocial behaviours (i.e., caring for others) across a range of three different ages: 16-, 19-, and 24-months-old. To do this, infants were placed in a situation where a researcher, using verbal communication and body language, indicated that they needed help with a basic task, such as finding a hidden toy. They then recorded the infants’ prosocial behaviour according to three different categories: instrumental helping (such as offering the researcher a different object), comforting (such as hugging the upset researcher), and indirect helping (such as asking another adult in the room for help). The study found that the 24-month old children were significantly more likely to demonstrate prosocial behaviours than the 16- and 19-month-olds, particularly when it came to comforting. This suggests that the second year of life is an extremely important period in the development of this important component of morality (Holvoet, et al. 2019).

This approach remedies some of the problems with Kohlberg’s studies, in that he didn’t define specific “good” or “bad” behaviours. Rather he assumed that his own ideas about good versus bad behaviour were true, and incorporated these assumptions into the design of his studies. Therefore, the outcomes of Kohlberg’s studies were strongly influenced by his culturally-informed ideas about morality. Instead focusing on one aspect of morality, like prosocial behaviour (described above), it allows researchers to assess developmental changes without judging this aspect as morally good or bad. This approach also ensures that judgements about what constitutes “good” behaviour doesn’t colour the scientific data being collected or the design of the studies being done.

Lawrence Walker’s Evidence-Based Critique of Stages of Moral Development

Lawrence Walker studied how people develop their sense of right and wrong and how their moral thinking affected their moral behaviour. He focused specifically on exploring and building upon the ideas put forward by Lawrence Kohlberg and Carol Gilligan, both of whom suggested different theories about this topic. Walker’s investigations generally corroborated Kohlberg’s six stages of moral development, demonstrating that individuals indeed advance through these stages sequentially (Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs, & Lieberman, 1983; Walker, 1989). His research provided empirical proof that moral reasoning undergoes maturation and evolution over time, aligning closely with cognitive maturity. Furthermore, Walker established a correlation between higher stages of moral reasoning, as suggested by Kohlberg, and pro-social behaviours and attitudes (Walker, 2006). This research offered much needed empirical support for Kohlberg’s theory.

In contrast, Carol Gilligan proposed a gender-based theory of moral development, suggesting that women tend to approach moral issues from an “ethics of care” perspective, while men adopt an “ethics of justice” viewpoint (Gilligan, 1982). Walker’s research revealed a more subtle picture. His studies suggested that although there were slight differences in the moral reasoning of women and men, these were neither as pronounced nor as consistent as Gilligan had theorised (Walker, 1989). According to Walker, the “ethics of care” and “ethics of justice” are not gender-specific but rather represent two distinct moral orientations that any individual, regardless of gender, might adopt, depending on the situation (Walker, 2006). This added a layer of complexity to our understanding of moral development, indicating that it can be multifaceted and context-dependent instead of strictly stage-based.

While understanding moral development is crucial for grasping how individuals determine right from wrong. We will now explore how people develop their sense of racial identity. Just as moral development involves navigating personal and societal values, racial identity development involves understanding and responding to one’s racial and cultural background. Beverly Daniel Tatum expanded on William Cross’s Nigrescence Model, which originally focused on African Americans, to include all marginalized or non-white groups. Tatum’s work helps us understand how people develop their racial identity and empowerment, facing pressures from dominant cultures and racist experiences.

Racial Identity Development

Beverly Daniel Tatum expands on Cross’s Nigrescence Model (Cross, 1978) work by broadening the understanding of racial identity development beyond just African Americans, making it relevant to people from marginalised or other non-white groups. Rather than being age-based like Cross’ model, Tatum’s 5-step model enables us to gain a broader understanding of how people from marginalised or non-white groups develop their sense of racial identity and empowerment as they navigate the pressures that come from dominant white cultures and encounters with racist practices and systems.

Pre-Encounter

Individuals at this stage have not yet recognised the impact of race on their lives. They may have internalised negative stereotypes about their own racial group, possibly preferring the dominant racial group’s culture, or they may not “see colour”, with little awareness of racial significance.

Encounter

This stage involves a situation or series of situations that force the individual to acknowledge the impact of race. It could be a specific racial incident or the accumulation of microaggressions that sparks this realisation. The encounter causes cognitive dissonance, challenging their previous beliefs and attitudes about race.

Immersion/Emersion

The individual begins to immerse themselves in their own racial identity, actively seeking to connect with their racial group and learning about their history and culture. There’s a sense of belonging and community. At the same time, they may reject or avoid the dominant group, often out of anger or resentment created by the encountered experience.

Internalisation

The person feels secure in their racial identity and no longer feels the need to avoid or reject other racial groups. There’s an acceptance of oneself and others. However, this doesn’t mean they ignore racism; they acknowledge its existence but also recognise the value of building cross-racial alliances.

Internalisation-Commitment

The final stage is where the individual not only accepts their racial identity but is also actively committed to social justice causes related to race. This commitment could manifest in various ways, such as advocacy, teaching, or activism.

Understanding racial identity development relies on analysing how radicalized people build their identity under societal pressures. Similarly, the following Feminist Identity Development (FID) theory by Downing and Roush explains how women develop a feminist identity, moving from accepting traditional roles to actively supporting feminist principles as a result of the impacts of societal pressures, restrictions and aggressions. Both theories highlight the journey individuals take to understand and assert their identities, whether it’s in the face of racial or gender-based challenges.

Feminist Identity Development

Feminist Identity Development (FID) theory was proposed by Downing and Roush (1985), emphasising the five stage process that women undergo to develop a positive feminist identity. This developmental process is similar to other social identity development theories in that it describes a progression from lack of awareness about oppression to an integration of one’s social identity into one’s self-concept (Downing & Roush, 1985). In addition, many people who identify as women may not engage with feminism at all (Fischer et al., 2003).

Passive Acceptance (“Agreeing Without Question”)

People in this stage who identify as women:

• Exhibit unconscious acceptance of traditional gender roles and lack of awareness regarding gender-based oppression; and
• Are likely to believe in and follow stereotypical roles, essentially reflecting the dominant cultural values and norms about gender.

Revelation (“Waking Up”)

• Begins when a person who identifies as a woman experiences a revelation event that exposes them to the realities of gender oppression, leading to increased awareness of sexism. The catalyst could be a personal experience of discrimination, exposure to feminist thought, or socialization with feminist peers.
• Is characterised by strong emotional responses such as anger or fear.

Embeddedness-Emanation (“Connection and Expression”)

• Involves deep engagement with feminist communities, which can provide emotional support and reinforce the evolving feminist identity of the person who identifies as a woman.
• Includes the recognition, over time, of the individual differences among people who identify as women (the emanation part of this stage) and an understanding that these experiences are not monolithic, but vary with intersecting identities like race, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, and more.

Synthesis (“Coming Together”)

• Integrates f a feminist identity with other aspects of the self, leading to a more holistic self-concept.
• Involves holding multiple identities without conflict, and exhibiting less extreme reactions to sexist events, focusing more on proactive strategies for change.

Active Commitment (“Let’s Do This!”)

• Involves ongoing commitment to feminist principles, which can be expressed through actions such as political activism, career choices, or personal relationships.
• Expresses an enduring commitment to feminist principles rather than the temporary emotional responses that characterised earlier stages.

Feminist Identity Theory is not without its limitations. Critics argue that it may oversimplify the process of developing a feminist identity and fail to adequately account for the complexity and diversity of all women’s experiences (Rickard, 1989). Reid (2003) proposed an intersectionality model of feminist identity, extending beyond the focus on gender alone in Downing and Roush’s model. Reid’s emphasis is on the multiple intersecting identities that each woman has, including race, class, age, ability, sexual orientation, and nationality, among others. Reid argues that these intersecting identities are inseparable and that they interact with gender in shaping a woman’s feminist identity (Ludvig, 2006).

Feminist Identity Development (FID) theory and Reid’s intersectional approach all highlight the complex journey towards a feminist identity. These theories, though valuable, should be seen as potential pathways rather than universal scripts, reflecting the unique experiences of each individual. Embracing the complexity of feminism calls for acknowledging the importance of social activism, personal perspectives, and the intersection of multiple identities. It’s important to note that Reid’s approach is less a step-by-step model and more a framework for understanding the complex, interwoven nature of identity and oppression.

Spiritual development: Issues and Stages

Spiritual development is an intrinsic part of being human, encompassing the growth of one’s capacity for self-transcendence and the search for connectedness, meaning, and purpose (Benson, Roehlkepartain, & Rude, 2003; Benson & Roehlkepartain, 2008). It extends beyond religious traditions, shaping the human experience in diverse ways. This section on spirituality and development explores the transformative nature of spiritual development, the cultural shifts driving the search for meaning, the role of spirituality in well-being and resilience, and some of the stages of spiritual development.

Spirituality as a Human Capacity Shared by Majority of Humans Around the World

It is not uncommon to find our youth and adults alike on a journey of self-discovery and spiritual evolution. It is important for us to realise just how common it is for humans of all ages to wonder about and explore spirituality.

International researchers surveyed 6725 children, youth, and young adults aged 12 to 25. This study measured spirituality across nations and faith traditions. They found the majority of young individuals are actively nurturing their spiritual growth, often without heavily engaging in formal religious or spiritual practices (Benson et al., 2012).

In addition, another survey of adults from 20 countries revealed that, on average, 71% of respondents occasionally or often reflect on life’s meaning, a crucial aspect of spiritual understanding (Campbell & Curtis, 1996). Adopting a more conventional religious lens, a 1999 Gallup International Association poll involving 50,000 adults from 60 countries found that an average of 63% of respondents said that God is highly significant in their lives. Additionally, a significant 75% expressed belief in either a personal God or some form of spiritual or life energy (Benson, Roehlkepartain, & Rude, 2003).

These consistent findings from various countries revealed that a significant proportion of children, youth, and young adults are actively engaged in spiritual meaning-making. Regardless of the absence of heavy engagement in formal religious practices, spiritual development is a vibrant and active process. This exploration of spirituality across age groups not only reflects our collective quest for purpose and understanding but also underscores the importance of spirituality in shaping our lives and societies.

Feminist Identity Development (FID) theory, proposed by Downing and Roush, outlines how women progress through stages to develop a positive feminist identity, from passive acceptance of gender roles to active commitment to feminist principles. Similarly, we will learn in the next section that spiritual development involves progressing through stages of understanding, from basic trust and imaginative beliefs in early childhood to more complex and selfless faith in adulthood, as described by James Fowler. Both theories highlight the importance of personal growth, self-awareness, and the integration of one’s identity with broader social and moral values. Whether it’s developing a feminist identity or a spiritual one, both processes emphasize the journey of self-discovery, the impact of societal influences, and the pursuit of a more profound sense of meaning and purpose.

Stages of Spiritual Development

In addition to the concepts discussed, various theories propose stages of spiritual development. One such model of spiritual development is James Fowler’s stages of faith development. He mapped out individuals’ progress through different stages of belief and spirituality, from simplistic adherence to external authority to a more complex, internally synthesized understanding of one’s faith (Fowler, 1981). Similarly, Lawrence Kohlberg’s theory of moral development suggests that individuals may progress through stages of moral reasoning that intersect with spiritual growth (Kohlberg, 1981). These stages provide insights into the complexity and depth of spiritual development.

Fowler developed a theory of the stages of faith development in which he outlined six stages that individuals move through as their faith matures. Fowler drew inspiration from the works of developmental psychologists like Jean Piaget, Lawrence Kohlberg, and Robert Selman, among others. Here are Fowler’s stages of faith:

Table Source: Fowler, J. W. (1981). Stages of faith: The psychology of human development and the quest for meaning. Harper & Row.

Primal or undifferentiated faith – “Baby trust stage” (birth to 2 years)

• A baby learns whether the world around them is safe and comforting or scary and harmful, based on how they are taken care of.
• A baby who is well fed, cleaned, and cuddled will develop a trusting view of the world and a feeling of divine safety.

Intuitive-projective faith – “Imaginative belief stage” (ages 3–7)

• Children’s understanding of faith is shaped by their parents and family traditions.
• Their view of the world is a blend of imagination and reality, much like how they might believe in Santa Claus or the Tooth Fairy.

Mythic-literal faith – “Literal faith stage” (ages 8–12)

• Individuals start to understand the world in more concrete terms, like their friends and community do.
• They might believe in God or the Creator because their friends at school do, and they see a Higher Power in a very straightforward, literal way.

Synthetic-conventional faith – “Group belief stage” (adolescence)

• Teenagers often follow the religious beliefs and behaviours that their family, friends, and community expect from them.
• It’s like wearing the same clothes as their friends to fit in, but with beliefs.

Individuative-reflective faith – “Personal belief stage” (young adulthood)

• People start to question and think deeply about their beliefs, forming their own opinions.
• It’s like realising they don’t have to like the same music as their friends and can have their own taste.

Conjunctive faith – “Mysterious faith stage” (mid-life)

• People understand that life can’t always be explained logically and start accepting its mysteries and contradictions.
• It’s like appreciating a beautiful piece of abstract art that doesn’t have a clear meaning.

Universalising faith – “Selfless faith stage” (usually midlife and beyond)

• This final stage is rare and marked by individuals who devote their lives to helping others, free from worries or doubts.
• It’s like a person who spends their retirement volunteering at a food bank because they genuinely want to make a difference.

It is important to note that these stages are not necessarily linear and that individuals may move back and forth between them in response to life events and changes in their personal beliefs and values.

A spiritual journey allows individuals to awaken to their interconnectedness with themselves, others, and the universe, cultivating identity, meaning, and purpose. Seeking significance in relationships, searching for interdependence with a greater existence, and living by narratives that provide meaning further facilitates this spiritual process (Kosasih & Hermawan, 2023). By embracing spirituality and its various stages of development, we can increase our holistic well-being and grow our resilience in the face of setbacks, transcend individualistic boundaries and embrace the richness of the human experience.

Conclusion

In concluding our look at “Focused Perspectives on Lifespan Development,” we’ve examined a range of theories and concepts that enhance our understanding of human development. We’ve discussed intersectionality, power, and diverse viewpoints, along with Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory and the impact of technology on young people. This section highlighted various factors that shape development, including Erikson’s theories, Piaget’s cognitive stages, and the areas of moral and racial identity, feminist identity, and spiritual development.

Each topic has shown how individuals interact with their surroundings, emphasising the role of context, culture, and social dynamics in development. Through various analyses, we’ve observed how both challenges and opportunities enrich human development across the lifespan.

Moving forward, we recognise development as a multifaceted process, shaped by social, cultural, and psychological factors. This section has provided the tools to critically understand and appreciate human development’s complexity, promoting a comprehensive and inclusive view of the developmental journey from infancy to adulthood.

Next

After exploring “Focused Perspectives on Lifespan Development”, we move to “Ages, Stages, and Milestones of Development”. This section transitions to the chronological aspects of human development, covering biological, cognitive, and psychosocial milestones across life phases.

In this section, we detail biological development from prenatal stages to emerging adulthood, highlighting key growth periods and milestones, supported by current research and visual aids to improve understanding.

We’ll cover cognitive development, attachment theories, self-concept formation, and adolescence’s challenges and achievements, focusing on inclusivity and diversity to represent all developmental experiences accurately.

As we continue, remember the interconnectedness of developmental stages and the importance of a holistic view of each person’s development. This section aims to deepen appreciation for the complexity and richness of human development across the lifespan.

Image Attributions

Figure LD.5. Scaffolding and the Zone of Proximal Development by Marie Bartlett is licensed under a CC BY 4.0 license.

Figure LD.6. Public domain image.

Figure LD.7. Public domain image